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Nugan Hand and Abe Saffron

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Can of Worms II  [Book extract]

by EVAN WHITTON

Some Faces in the Crowd

Criminal organisations in their characteristics match legitimate organisations: there are big ones: there are small ones: people float in and out of them. It is remarkable, absolutely remarkable, how often you come across the same people in very diverse activities, all of which are criminal.

– Douglas Meagher, QC, counsel assisting Costigan Royal Commission.

Many names recur in Royal Commissions and other inquiries. Some appear to have interlocking relationships that cover a variety of relationships. Among these milieu personalities are:

Frederick (Paddles) Anderson, 70, is described in TFR3 (Volume 3: The Associates of Murray Riley, report by the Commonwealth-NSW Joint Task Force on Drug Trafficking (October 1982)) as a ‘well-known criminal’.

Until his death in January 1985, Anderson was thought to be first among equals in the Sydney milieu. In Melbourne in 1940, he got into an argument with a Melbourne personality, John C. Abrahams. In the following altercation, Abrahams was killed. Anderson was charged with his murder, found not guilty, and returned to Sydney. In the following months, Anderson made frequent appearances in Sydney magistrates’ courts, where he described himself as a machinist living in Surry Hills. According to McCoy, in one three-day period, he was charged with being in a house ‘frequented by thieves’; with ‘having demanded money with menaces from a bookmaker’ and with ‘having assaulted the bagman’; and with consorting with known criminals at a house in William Street, East Sydney.

Commonwealth Police running sheets indicate that Anderson was among those present at the milieu summit of July 1972. This was a series of meetings held at the home of Karl Bonnette at William Street, Double Bay and ‘alleged to be called to discuss the current activities of organised crime.’ Others present were said to be Leonard Arthur McPherson, George David Freeman, Stanley John Smith, Milan (Iron Bar Miller) Petrecevic, Arthur William (Duke) Delaney, and Leo (The Liar) Callaghan.

Also in attendance was said to be Albert Ross Sloss, 61, of Dowling Street, Potts Point, (Labor) MLA for King since 1956; deputy chairman of the parliamentary Labor Party, and vice-chairman of the Wentworth Park Trust, since 1968; director of the Sydney Hospital 1958-64; member of the Lord Howe Island Board. Sloss denied that he was at the meeting.

Bonnette denied that any of them had been at his home.

Karl Frederick Bonnette, 49, is described in TFR3 as a ‘drug importer and trafficker’, and was named by the Premier, Mr Wran, as a leading member of the Sydney underworld. Bonnette was considered to be most likely to succeed Anderson as the one the milieu ultimately defers to.

He was born in Melbourne, has described himself as self-employed, as dealing in cars, boats, diamonds and gold, and as unemployed. Among other names he has used are Karl Solomon, K. Rogers and Frederick Brock. He changed his name by deed poll in 1977 to Graham John Allemann in order to gain entry to the US.

Among his associates were Barry James Pyne, 41, described in TFR3 as ‘drug-trafficker’ and named as a suspect in the 1975 murder of drug courier Maria Hission. Bonnette also knew John Marcus Muller, alias Miller and Milner, a heavy at The Palace (otherwise the 22 Club), a Kings Cross casino, and named as one of the last three men seen with Juanita Nielsen before she disappeared in July 1975. Muller was killed in the driveway of his home in June 1979 in a shooting police believed could have been connected with an attempt on the life of George Freeman six weeks previously.

Bonnette has been to the US, England, Germany, the Philippines, Hong Kong, Israel, Argentina, Venezuela, Brazil, and Colombia. From 1976, he had business dealings with a number of people arrested in June 1978 in the seizure of $70 million worth of buddha sticks. In a four-year period, Bonnette, using various names, put $771 416 through a number of bank accounts, but was not too proud, in two months prior to June 1978, to collect $1917 in sickness benefits from the Department of Social Security.

Abraham Gilbert Saffron , 65, in 1943, with Hilton Kincaid, opened the Roosevelt Club at 32 Orwell Street, Kings Cross, largely for the benefit of US soldiers, until Justice Maxwell, who later described it as ‘the most notorious and disreputable nightclub in the city,’ closed it late that year. After a period in Newcastle, Saffron reopened the club after the war.

In the following years, using his family and friends as dummies, Saffron acquired, in breach of Licensing Court regulations, an interest in the licences of a number of hotels. A Royal Commission concluded that Saffron used the licences to supply the Roosevelt Club and sly grog shops. The Commission also found that Saffron had ‘engaged in systematic false swearing’. In October 1952 he was indicted for perjury but was acquitted when the court ruled that his testimony before the Royal Commission was not admissible as evidence about that same testimony. The Licensing Court barred Saffron, his relatives and any known associates, from holding liquor licences until 1966 when he successfully appealed against a judgment denying him a liquor licence at his Lodge 44 motel at Edgecliff.

In 1956, Saffron was also charged with having obscene photographs at his premises in Kings Cross. He was convicted and fined £10 but won a reversal on appeal.

Saffron was out of the newspapers until 1973 when he appeared before the Moffitt Royal Commission on Organised Crime in Clubs, where it emerged that Commonwealth Police, investigating jack Rooklyn’s activities in Jakarta, had reported that ‘now Saffron is purchasing or leasing premises to be used as brothels in conjunction with Rooklyn’s casinos.’

In March 1974, a customer at Saffron’s Lodge 44 motel, Ramon Sala, an international smuggler with Sydney convictions on currency and drug charges, had had his passport impounded and faced further proceedings. Morgan Ryan, then a solicitor of the Sydney firm Morgan Ryan and Brock, made representations on Sala’s behalf to Lionel Murphy, then Federal Attorney-General. Murphy directed that Sala’s passport be returned. Sala left the country, and so avoided passport proceedings. Six days later, Interpol said his passport was false.

In 1975 Saffron’s movements were monitored by the FBI, Scotland Yard, and crime intelligence agencies in the Philippines and Fiji; he was invariably searched when he left and re-entered Australia. It has been alleged Morgan Ryan made representations to Attorney-General Murphy and to Federal Police Commissioner Jack Davis about Saffron being subjected to airport searches. Authorities in Canberra ordered that Customs baggage searches of Saffron be abandoned.

This matter was investigated by a Public Services committee. Murphy, Justice Murphy of the High Court, said he had given no direction on the matter. The committee’s report, tabled in September 1984, said the downgrading of surveillance on Saffron was ‘reasonable and appropriate’; continual searching, it said, alerted a suspect and was likely to achieve nothing.

Early in 1978, the South Australian Attorney-General, Peter Duncan, named Saffron in State Parliament as ‘a principal character in organised crime in Australia.’ In July of that year, the NSW Transport Minister, Peter Cox, discovered from media reports that a building in Darlinghurst Road, Kings Cross, housed a gambling club, a brothel and a sex shop. The building was on a prime piece of real estate owned by the Public Transport Commission. Investigation showed that the site was initially leased to Constance Developments, a company owned by Sir Paul Strasser and Robert Ryko. Without the approval of the Public Transport Commission, the Strasser-Ryko company had sub-let the property to two Saffron companies. In 1977, the head lease, with the approval of the PTC, was transferred to Togima Leasing, of which the directors and nominal shareholders were all businessmen associated with Saffron companies.

To put an end to illegal activities on Government property, the Government bought Togima out of the lease for $2.6 million. A spokesman said legal action had not been taken against Togima because this would only remedy matters in the short term and it was difficult to get evidence.

In the 1981 Police Tribunal inquiry into Deputy Commissioner Bill Allen. it emerged that Saffron, described by justice Perrignon, as ‘unsavoury and involved in illicit activities’, had met Allen seven times at Police Headquarters. This was given as a reason to sustain the tribunal finding that Allen had brought discredit on the police force.

The report of the Commonwealth-NSW Joint Task Force on Drug-Trafficking says: ‘There is little doubt that Saffron was involved in at least this one transaction with Nugan Hand. Though its precise nature cannot be defined, the transaction involved in some way Hong Kong and the sum of $50 000… That at least Saffron chose to lie about his association with Hand… only adds to the suspicion that there was something either illegal or improper about it.’

When his name was brought up in 1982 at the Costigan Royal Commission in relation to a tax avoidance scheme, Saffron issued a statement through his lawyers saying he had never had anything to do with Nugan Hand.

George David Freeman , 49, is described in TFR3 as a ‘well-known crime figure involved in illegal gambling activity.’

In a 1978 appearance before the Woodward Royal Commission, Stanley John Smith explained his income on the basis of winning on racehorses, cards and roulette. Smith’s barrister, Mr Cochrane, said that Smith was ‘putting himself up, not as a normal punter, but rather as someone who has taken notice of tips from a man who knows, Mr Freeman, and in a sense Mr Freeman is well regarded… he is well regarded in the racing community and he knows what horses are going to come home.’

Justice Woodward: ‘That would be on the basis it is not a matter of luck; it is a matter of organisation?’

Cochrane: ‘Perhaps, I would not put it that strongly, but perhaps…’

At the 1983 Street Royal Commission, evidence was given by a magistrates’ court clerk, Cam Abood, that Freeman gave the then NSW Chief Stipendiary Magistrate Murray Farquhar race tips and that he (the clerk) placed the bets for Farquhar and collected his winnings. He noted that Freeman’s tips won 98 per cent of the time.

One of the milieu’s greatest mistakes occurred in July 1977. On 27 July, Freeman went into the members’ enclosure at Randwick racecourse as the guest of Farquhar. The error has caused endless trouble.

Freeman made another mistake the following year. On 28 March 1979, Bruce McDonald, deputy leader of the NSW Opposition, asked a question which suggested that Freeman had ‘unusual and undue influence’ over the police squad that was supposed to control gambling, the 21 Division. That night, Freeman was given time on Channel 7’s Michael Willesee Show to deny any involvement in organised crime. The next day, seeking to confront McDonald, he went with a Willesee film crew to Parliament House. That evening in the Upper House, Barrie Unsworth, who had been approached by the television team, said he believed that Freeman and the Willesee team had committed a ‘gross breach of privilege.’

On 3 April, the Independent MLA, John Hatton, moved an urgency motion deploring the action of Freeman, ‘a man designated within the administration of the Minister for Police as an organised crime figure, in bringing a television crew on to the steps of Parliament House…’ Drawing on material in a confidential NSW Police Crime Intelligence Unit report of March 1977, Hatton summarised Freeman’s career thus:

‘It has been recorded that Freeman should be considered one of the leading criminal figures in this State, together with Stanley John Smith, with whom he has been closely associated, and who is said to have replaced the so-called Mr Big, Leonard Arthur McPherson. The links with international organised crime are well established… In April 1978, just a year ago, Freeman was deported from the United States of America after being arrested in Las Vegas in connection with a false passport offence.

‘His last recorded conviction in Australia was for a similar offence, when he used a false passport to enter the United States of America with Stan Smith in 1968, when they were guests of one Joseph Dan Testa, nominated as a member of the Chicago organised crime family… It was largely the investigations prompted by the appearance of Testa in Sydney in subsequent years, and the associations he made here, that led to the Moffitt Royal Commission in 1973-74. As a result of the Moffitt Royal Commission, Mr Freeman was made the number one target of the NSW Police Crime Intelligence Unit, which was established as a direct result of that inquiry.

‘We are talking about a key criminal. Inquiries show that Freeman was also the Australian contact man for one Danny Stein, nominated as an associate of notorious American organised crime figures, including Meyer Lansky, and described by law enforcement authorities as representing hidden interests in Las Vegas casinos, and an illegal betting network raided by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, and shut down by the State of Nevada. No honourable member would need reminding that in July 1977, George Freeman was photographed in company with the Chief Stipendiary Magistrate, Murray Farquhar, at Randwick races, on which occasion Freeman was removed from the members’ enclosure.

‘Of even more relevance to the question of urgency, and to members of this House, particularly when it is remembered that Freeman was on the steps of Parliament House, is the fact that the NSW police have evidence that he was the principal figure in what might be called the Taiping conspiracy. After the Premier announced the Government’s intention to legalise casinos, underworld leaders and illegal casino owners met at the Taiping restaurant in Elizabeth Street, Sydney. It is urgent that it be recognised that, on a tape recording made of that meeting, Stan Smith is heard referring to Freeman as being “with” the casino operators. Smith called upon the assembled gathering to put up hard cash to bribe members of this Parliament to try to secure the control of casino licences for criminal interests…’

The Labor Party voted against Mr Hatton’s motion and it was defeated 60-34.

Three weeks later, at Freeman’s Yowie Bay home, a gunman with a light calibre weapon shot Freeman in the left side of the neck. The bullet passed through his mouth and exited just below the right temple without doing serious harm. Police told The Sun that the weapon indicated an ‘amateur’ gunman, but there was speculation that some other organised crime leader might have taken the view that Freeman’s approach to Parliament House had drawn too much attention to organised crime activities.

Leonard Arthur McPherson , 63. Giving evidence in 1983 at the Juanita Nielsen inquest, McPherson denied having told Federal police that a former NSW police officer, Fred Krahe, had killed Miss Nielsen. He claimed that Federal police had sent false information to Manila in 1977 warning that McPherson was entering the Philippines to assassinate President Marcos. Arrested at gunpoint, McPherson and two other Australians were held for three days in death row in the dreaded Fort Benefacio prison, facing the prospect of a firing squad, before being released.

McPherson’s name has continued to be linked with Manila. In 1980, the Woodward Royal Commission reported that a wanted criminal, Martin Olson, was running a bar in Manila for McPherson, and that he was ‘looking after McPherson’s prostitution business in Manila.’ Woodward also reported that during 1975 a person was ‘alleged to have gone to Manila, at least once a month’ to bring back ‘white powder’ for McPherson.

The Commission said there was reliable evidence that the courier was in the company of George David Freeman and Danny Stein. ‘NSW police received information … that the purpose of Stein’s visit to Australia at that time was to organise importation of drugs from the “Golden Triangle for transhipment to the United States,’ the Commission said. In 1973, during his Royal Commission, Justice Moffitt found it would be ‘wrong to conclude that McPherson is not on the scene of organised crime or connected with persons seeking to make money illicitly from the registered clubs.’

In a front page article in The Sunday Telegraph in 1979, McPherson denied any involvement in organised crime, or that he was in fact Mr Big. His denial included references to newspaper stories suggesting he was responsible for twelve murders. ‘If these accusations are meant to be against me they are false,’ he said. ‘I wouldn’t even know of twelve people who have been murdered.’

Stanley John (The Man) Smith first came to police attention in 1954. In 1966, he and McPherson attracted overseas attention when they were barred from Hong Kong. A senior Hong Kong police officer advised the Sydney CIB that they had boasted of wanting to get in on ‘big time’ smuggling of gold and narcotics.

In 1968, Smith and Freeman used false passports to go to the US to spend six weeks as guests of Joe Testa. Both were convicted on passport charges on their return. In December that year, Smith was described by police in a consorting case as a ‘standover criminal and international shop thief.’ Smith was fined in 1970 in connection with the attempted sale of amphetamines following a robbery at May and Baker’s warehouse at Waterloo, Sydney. He unwittingly frightened politicians out of legalising casinos in New South Wales when a tape recording of his 1976 Taiping speech, in which he recommended bribing politicians to secure legal casino licences, was made public.

He denied before the Woodward Commission that he had anything to do with drugs. He said: ‘I am not involved in drug matters and these allegations are all the more hurtful to my family and myself when the fact is that my eldest son, who is twenty-one years of age, is currently serving a jail sentence for drug-related offences and has been a hopeless heroin addict for some years now. We have tried to face this problem and rehabilitate him, without success, and the allegations now being made are in the circumstances particularly hurtful.’

Justice Woodward found that Smith was involved in drug-trafficking. In 1979, he was convicted and jailed for fifteen months for possession of cannabis. The conviction, however, took place in Victoria, not New South Wales.

Note: Stanley John Smith should not be confused with any of the numerous other Smiths in the milieu: Arthur Stanley (Neddy) Smith, described in TFR3 as ‘drug importer and trafficker’, who was the informer for Sergeant Roger Caleb Rogerson, and the man who arranged the fatal meeting between Rogerson and Warren Lanfranchi in 1981; Neddy’s half-brother Edwin William Smith, jailed for possession of 1.6 kilograms of heroin; Edward James (jockey) Smith; or Raymond Smith, an early acquaintance of Murray Stewart Riley.

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Written by nuganhand

January 23, 2011 at 12:49 am

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Nugan Hand inspires novel

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Sydney novelist Wayne Grogan.

Author Wayne Grogan has penned a novel based on the Nugan Hand affair called Heavy Allies (It was launched on September 1 by former NSW Premier Bob Carr). 

“The whole subject of Nugan Hand represents both a colossal abuse of international power as well as the biggest criminal conspiracy in Australian history, at least since the Rum Corps,” he told the Sydney Morning Herald. His goal was to “get in touch with the more overt criminal activity connected with the bank” and his research included reading royal commission transcripts and interviewing police officers he met through disgraced former cop Roger Rogerson. 

“I knew the Cross back then,” Rogerson told the Sydney Morning Herald. “I knew the key people in the Nugan Hand Bank. Wayne’s novel has definitely got the ring of authenticity.”

Considering Rogerson’s chequered past and fleeting associations with telling the truth, Grogan’s probably safer treating any of Rogerson’s tips as fiction rather than fact.

Written by nuganhand

September 3, 2008 at 4:42 am

Mark Lombardi – An artist’s look at Nugan Hand

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The New York Times described Mark Lombardi as “an investigative reporter’s conceptual artist. His subject is conspiracy and scandal, his method is to ‘follow the money’.” He died in 2000 after taking his own life (or did he? muse some of his friends).  A number of friends like Andy Feehan were mystified by Mark’s death: “When the news of Mark’s death arrived, all of us thought that he was murdered. We assumed that he had made one too many accusations, and that someone made a phone call. We still don’t know what happened. We’d read that the medical examiner ruled Mark’s death a suicide, but we’re unable to understand or accept the idea that Mark would kill himself right when he was at the top of his game.”

Sounds like another famous ‘suicide’ – that of investigative journalist Danny Casolaro, who was investigating Nugan Hand as part of an inter-connected global network he called ‘The Octopus’.

Lombardi called his artworks ‘narrative structures’ that were not unlike the sociograms constructed to show complex social networks.

Here’s how he envisioned the Nugan Hand affair (note: the image is low-res and therefore detail minimal) – imagine if he had teamed up with a good investigative reporter!

frank nugan, michael hand and nugan hand ltd. of sydney, australia, c.1972-80 (8th version), 1998

frank nugan, michael hand and nugan hand ltd. of sydney, australia, c.1972-80 (8th version), 1998

Written by nuganhand

September 3, 2008 at 3:43 am

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The Opal File – Another Gemstone

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The Opal File, also known as The Kiwi Gemstone, is a paper written by Anthony Pollock that links the Skeleton Key to the politics of Australia and New Zealand. This paper has been included in several of the books on the Gemstone Files. This document touches on the rumoured involvement of the CIA (through the Nugan Hand Bank) in the downfall of then-prime minister Gough Whitlam.

The Opal File
by Anthony Pollock 

– A 20 Year History In Brief

“Fear them not, therefore; for there is nothing covered that shall not be
revealed; and hidden, that shall shall not be known. What I tell you in
darkness, that speak in light; and what ye hear in the ear, that proclaim
upon the housetops.” — Matthew

18th May, 1967: Texas oil billionaire Nelson Bunker Hunt, using a
sophisticated satellite technique to detect global deposits, discovers a
huge oil source south of New Zealand in the Great South Basin.

10th June, 1967: Hunt and New Zealand Finance Minister reach an agreement:
Hunt will receive sole drilling rights and Muldoon will receive a
$US100,000 non-repayable loan from Hunt’s Placid Oil Co.

8th September, 1967: Placid Oil granted drilling rights to the Great South
Basin.

10th May, 1968: Hawaiian meeting between Onassis and top lieutenants
William Colby and Gerald Parsky to discuss establishment of a new front
company in Australia – Australasian and Pacific Holdings Limited – to be
managed by Michael Hand. Using Onassis-Rockefeller banks, Chase Manhattan
and Shroders, Travelodge Management Ltd sets up another front to link the
operations to the US.

Onassis crowned head of the Mafia; Colby (head of CIA covert operations in
S.E. Asia) ran the Onassis heroin operations in the Golden Triangle (Laos,
Burma, Thailand) with 200 Green Beret mercenaries – i.e. the Phoenix
Programme.

Gerald Parsky deputy to ex-CIA/FBI Robert Maheu in the Howard Hughes
organisation, took orders from Onassis and was made responsible for
laundering skim money from the Onassis casino operations in Las Vegas and
the Bahamas.

Mid-July, 1968: Placid Oil Co and the Seven Sisters (major oil companies)
begin Great South Basin oil exploration – Hunt finances 45.5% of
exploration costs, Gulf Oil 14.5%, Shell (US) 10%, B.P. Oil 10%, Standard
Oil California 10%, Mobil 6.5% and Arco 6.5%.

12th October, 1968: Hunt and Seven Sisters announce confirmation of new oil
source comparable to the Alaskan North Slope – gas reserves estimated at
150 times larger than the Kapuni Field.

Early 1969: Mafia consolidates its banking operations; David Rockefeller
becomes Chairman of Chase Manhattan; Wriston at Citibank and Michele
Sindona captures the Vatican Bank, Partnership Pacific launched by Bank of
America, Bank of Tokyo and Bank of New South Wales.

24th February, 1969: Onassis calls Council meeting in Washington to discuss
strategy to monopolise the Great South Basin discovery. Council members
included Nelson Rockefeller and John McCloy, who managed the Seven Sisters,
and David Rockefeller, who managed the Mafia’s banking operations.

McCloy outlines the plan to capture all oil and mineral resources in
Australia and N.Z.

10th March, 1969: Parsky and Colby use Australasian and Pacific Holdings to
set up a ‘front’ company in Australia. Using old banks – Mellon Bank and
Pittsburgh National Bank – they buy control of near-bankrupt Industrial
Equity Ltd (I.E.L.) managed by New Zealander Ron Brierly. ‘Australasian and
Pacific Holdings’ ‘consultant’ Bob Seldon helps Michael Hand set up the new
organisation. Seldon took orders from Mellon and Pittsburgh National Banks,
while Hand was directly responsible to Gerald Parsky and William Colby. Ron
Brierly would take orders from Hand.

24th July, 1969: New board established for I.E.L. includes Hand, Seldon,
Ron Brierly, plus two Brierly associates – Frank Nugan and Bob Jones. Both
are appointed consultants to Australasian and Pacific Holdings Ltd.

Jones will help Brierly launder funds into real estate (Brierly/Jones
Investments) while Seldon and Nugan will channel funds into oil and mineral
resources through I.E.L.

October 1969: Chase Manhattan begins new operation in Australia with
National Bank Australasia and A.C. Goods Associates – Chase-NBA.

J.C. Fletcher appointed chairman of Seven Sisters’ company – British
Petroleum (N.Z.). 17th February 1970: Gerald Parsky sets up a new
heroin-dollar laundry in Australia – Australian International Finance Corp
– using the Irving Trust Co. New York.

April 1970: Onassis, Rockefeller and the Seven Sisters begin setting up the
shadow World Government using theIlluminati-controlled banks and the
transnational corporations. In Melbourne they set up the Australian
International Finance Corporation using:

* Irving Trust Co. N.Y. – linked to Shell Oil, Continental Oil, Phillips
Petroleum.

* Crocker Citizens National – linked to Atlantic Richfield (Arco), Standard
Oil of California which is Rockefeller-controlled.

* Bank of Montreal – Petro Canada, Penarctic Oils, Alberta Gas, Gulf Oil.

* Australia and New Zealand Bank (ANZ).

Meantime, Japanese members of One World Government move into New Zealand,
helped by Finance Minister R. Muldoon; Mitsubishi and Mitsui make a
profitable deal buying up rights to ironsands helped by Marcona Corp. (US)
and Todd (Shell/BP/Todd). Todd rewarded with sole New Zealand franchise for
Mitsubishi vehicles, Muldoon helps Mitsui (Oji Paper Co) obtain a lucrative
320 million cubic foot Kiangaroa Forestry contract with Carter Holt.

November, 1970: Fletchers extend the Rockefeller Travelodge operation by
buying control of New Zealand’s largest travel company – Atlantic and
Pacific Travel.

Manufacturers’ and Retailers’ Acceptance Company (in 1970 changed to
Marac): This firm specialises in leasing and factoring (buying debts at a
discount). It also finances imports and exports. The major shareholders are
the Fletcher Group (38.0%), the Commercial Bank of Australia Ltd (24.7%),
NIMU Insurance (7.7%), Phillips Electrical (3.8%), National Mutual Life
Association (2.4%), New Zealand United Corporation (4.0%). The CBA is a
partner in the supranational Euro-Pacific Corporation, the other partners
being the Midland Bank (UK), the United California Bank (USA), Fuji (Japan)
and Societe Generale de Banque (France).

Early 1971: Onassis and Rockefeller begin global operation to buy influence
for the One World Government concept. They use Lockheed, Northrop and
Litton Industries ‘agent’ Adnan Khashoggi, to organise operations in the
Middle East, Iran and Indonesia. I.C.I. set up $2.5 million slush fund to
Australia and N.Z.

Finance Minister Muldoon changes law to allow Mafia-controlled banks to
begin operations in New Zealand. Links also made by N.Z.I. in preparation
for Paxus control with Hong Kong and Shanghai; Wells Fargo with Broadbank;
Chase Manhattan with General Finance; Bank of America and Barclays with
Fletchers and Renouf in New Zealand United Corp. All members of the
Business Round Table Organisation.

Late 1971: Gulf Oil and their man Brierly begin organising chains of Shell
companies and dummy corporations to conceal their takeover operations of
oil, gas and mineral resources and related industries such as vehicle
franchises, vehicle spare parts and finance services – all part of the
Seven Sisters’ controlled car culture.

To extend links to the US banking operations they buy control of I.S.A.S. 
(NSW) and I.S.A.S. (Qld), which hold sole franchise for construction and
mining equipment produced by International Harvester Credit Co, which is
part of Chase Manhattan Bank and associated with First National Bank
Chicago (Chairman Sullivan also Executive Vice-President of Chase
Manhattan), Continental Illinois (linked with CIA and Mafia Michele Sindona
of Vatican Bank) and Rockefeller’s Standard Oil of Indiana (AMOCO).

I.S.A.S. (Qld) also has strategic holdings in North Flinders Mines,
Flinders Petroleum, Apollo International Minerals.

February 1972: Onassis and Rockefeller help associate Adnan Khashoggi buy
the Security Pacific National Bank in California and take control of the
United California Bank through CIA-linked Lockheed Aircraft Corporation. 
Both banks used by Onassis and Khashoggi to funnel bribes and payoffs via
the CIA’s Deak Bank to captive Japanese and other crooked politicians. 
Security Pacific also used to ‘launder’ over $2 million for Nixon’s
re-election campaign. Khashoggi also buys 21% of Southern Pacific
Properties, which is the major stockholder in Travelodge (Aust), thereby
establishing direct links to New Zealand, and U.E.B. and Fletchers through
its equity links with Travelodge (N.Z.).

April 1972: Mafia banking operations expanded through New Hebrides with
establishment of Australian International Ltd to financePacific development
by the oil companies (Seven Sisters). Banks involved include Irving Trust
NY, Bank of Montreal, Crocker International, Australia & N.Z. Bank and the
Mitsubishi Bank, whose president, Nakamaru, is appointed Chairman.

26th May, 1972: Gerald Parsky installs Michele Sindona as ‘owner’ of
Franklin National Bank, helped by the Gambino Mafia family and David
Kennedy – Chairman of Continental Illinois Bank and Nixon’s Secretary of
the Treasury.

Pacific Basin Economic Council Conference in Wellington, NZ. Vice-President
Shigeo Nagano also chairman of Nippon Steel and member of Onassis and other
World Government organisations. Chairman of NZ sub-committee, J. Mowbray
is also General Manager of the National Bank.

Meanwhile, Michele Sindona, acting as the go-between for the Mafia and the
CIA, was the conduit between US and European banks. Michele Sindona’s
Vatican Bank and associate Calvi’s Abrosiano Bank was used to finance CIA
neo-fascist Italian/Latin American operations through Licio Gelli’s P2
Lodge, which helped to organise the ‘death squads’ of Argentina, Uruguay
and Chile. This aided the P2 members such as Klaus Barbie (‘The Butcher of
Lyons’) and Jose Rega – organiser of the A.A.A. in Argentina.

16th August, 1972: Gulf Oil associate Bob Seldon helps establish new
banking operation, first NZ international banks include Bank of New
Zealand, D.F.C. (Aust), N.Z.I., Morgan Guaranty Trust, Morgan Grenfel and
S.F. Warburg.

Fletchers begins expansion overseas with deals signed in Indonesia, Fiji
and New Guinea.

December 1972: Kirk elected Prime Minister of New Zealand.

February, 1973: Gerald Parsky, William Colby, Michael Hand, Frank Nugan and
Bob Seldon move to further consolidate the Mafia banking operations. In NZ
they acquire 20% Fletcher subsidiary Marac, using the Security Pacific
National Bank helped by Marac Corporate secretary Alan Hawkins.

Frank Nugan and Michael Hand use Fletcher and Renouf and their NZ United
Corporation to link with I.E.L. and Brierly Investments through
cross-shareholding agreement.

In Australia, the Nugan Hand Bank begins operations with 30% of the stock
held by Australasian and Pacific Holdings (100% Chase Manhattan Bank), 25%
by CIA’s Air America (known as ‘Air Opium’), 25% by South Pacific
Properties and 20% held by Seldon, Nugan and Hand.

The Irving Trust Bank’s New York Branch establishes US links between the
CIA and Nugan Hand, a worldwide network of 22 banks set up to:

a) ‘launder’ money from Onassis heroin operations in the Golden Triangle
and Iran;
b) as a CIA funnel to pro-US political parties in Europe and Latin America,
including Colby’s P2;
c) a spying conduit for information from Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam and
Thailand;
d) finance arms smuggled to Libya, Indonesia, South America, Middle East
and Rhodesia using the CIA’s Edward Wilson.

Colby and Kissinger use key CIA and Naval Intelligence officers to oversee
the operation, including Walter McDonald (former Deputy Director CIA), Dale
Holmgren (Flight Service Manager CIA Civil Air Transport), Robert Jansen
(former CIA Station Chief, Bangkok), etc.

Heroin flown into Australia by CIA’s Air America and trans-shipped to
Onassis lieutenant in Florida, Santos Trafficante Jr, assisted by
Australian Federal Bureau of Narcotics officials and co-ordinated by CIA’s
Ray Cline.

14th June, 1973: Inauguration of the Onassis shadow World Government – the
Trilateral Commission. Includes over 200 members from the US, Europe and
Japan – bankers, government officials, transnational corporations’ top
executives, trade unionists, etc. Of the world’s largest corporations, 24
directly represented and dozens more through interlocking directorships.

* Trilateralist strategy: monopolisation of the world’s resources,
production facilities, labour technology, markets, transport and finance.
These aims backed up by the US military and industrial complexes that are
already controlled and backed up by the CIA.

18th August, 1973: Ray Cline and Michael Hand meet in Adelaide to discuss
CIA plan to establish spying operations in NZ.

September 1973: Seagram’s, with strong links to Chase Manhattan Bank of
Montreal and Toronto Dominion Bank, buys 2,800 acres ofprime land in
Marlborough helped by Peter Maslen.

17th February, 1974: Mafia sets up New Hebrides Bank – Commercial Pacific
Trust Co (COMPAC). Banks include CBA, Europacific Finance Corporation,
Trustee Executors and Agency Co, Fuji Bank, Toronto Dominion Bank, European
Asian Bank and United California Bank, COMPAC to be used as a cover for
heroin dollar laundering operations.

26th February, 1974: Michael Hand meets Bob Jones in Wellington to
implement plans for the CIA’s new spying operation – countries targeted
include France, Chile, West Germany and Israel.

Using the Brierly/Jones Investment funnel, Jones buys building in Willeston
Street which will be rented to France and Chile, another at Plimmer Steps
to house West Germany and Israel.

CIA will set up eavesdropping communications centre inside the Willeston
Street building and another at 163 The Terrace which will link with
equipment installed in the Plimmer Steps building. Four CIA technicians
will run the whole operation.

April 1974: Finance Minister Rowling appoints Ron Trotter to the Overseas
Investment Commission, whose chairman, G. Lau, is also a member of the Todd
Foundation (Shell/BP/Todd) investment board.

Whitlam and Kirk

Mid-1974: Gough Whitlam and Norman Kirk begin a series of moves absolutely
against the Mafia Trilateralists. Whitlam refuses to waive restrictions on
overseas borrowings to finance Alwest Aluminium Consortium of Rupert
Murdoch, BHP and R.J. Reynolds. Whitlam had also ended Vietnam War support,
blocked uranium mining and wanted more control over US secret spy bases –
e.g. Pine Gap.

Kirk had introduced a new, tough Anti-Monopoly Bill and had tried to
redistribute income from big companies to the labour force through price
regulation and a wages policy.

Kirk had also rejected plans to build a second aluminium smelter near
Dunedin and was preparing the Petroleum Amendment Bill to give more control
over New Zealand oil resources.

Kirk had found out that Hunt Petroleum, drilling in the Great South Basin,
had discovered a huge resource of oil comparable in size to the North Sea
or Alaskan North Slope. Gas reserves alone now estimated at 30 times bigger
than Kapuni and oil reserves of at least 20 billion barrels – enough for
New Zealand to be self-sufficient for years. Oil companies completely
hushed up these facts. To have announced a vast new oil source would
probably mean a decline in world oil prices, which would not have allowed
OPEC and Onassis plans for the Arabs to eventuate. N.Z. could be exploited
at a later date, particularly since the North Sea operations were about to
come on stream – Kirk was the last tohold out.

September, 1974: According to CIA sources, Kirk was killed by the
Trilateralists using Sodium Morphate. Rowling’s first act as NZ Prime
Minister was to withdraw Kirk’s Anti-Monopoly Bill and the Petroleum
Amendment Bill.

Later, Rowling was to be rewarded with ambassadorship to Washington. 
Incidentally, the Shah of Iran was murdered the same way as Kirk on his
arrival in the US.

6th October, 1974: Ray cline implements William Colby plan to oust
Australian Prime Minister Whitlam. Nugan Hand Bank finances payoffs to
Malcolm Fraser and other pro-US politicians. A joint bugging operation
commences between CIA and ASIA.
Rupert Murdoch, playing his part, uses his newspapers and television
network to spread lies and misinformation. Whitlam, as well as refusing to
waive restrictions on overseas borrowing to finance the aluminium
consortium, had plans to ensure that all corporations were at least 50%
Australian-owned. This interfered with the Seven Sisters’ plans to build
three oil refineries at Cape Northumberland in South Australia to exploit
the Great South Basin discovery.

December, 1974: Australian Governor-General John Kerr joins Ray Cline’s
payroll and received his first pay-off of $US200,000 credited to his
account number 767748 at the Singapore branch ofthe Nugan Hand Bank.

11th November, 1975: Governor-General Kerr sacks the Whitlam Government.

August 1975: Rowling re-introduces unrecognisable Commerce Bill, designed
to aid monopolisation of the NZ economy and repeals the News Media
Ownership Act, allowing more foreign ownership of NZ media. The new
legislation does not define monopoly, competition or stipulate permissable
maximum market share, or even ascertain what the public interest is –
resulting in a sell-out to big business.

December, 1975: Election battle between Rowling and Muldoon. Oil companies
pour thousands of dollars into Muldoon’s campaign via National Bank (NZ),
whose general manager Mowbray is also a member of Todd Foundations;
Investment Board Director Tudhope also Managing Director Shell Oil and
Chairman Shell/BP/Todd. Muldoon wins.

February, 1976: Muldoon implements pre-election secret agreement with the
NZ Seven Sisters’ oil representatives of Shell/BP/Todd for helping finance
the National Party campaign.

Muldoon removes the $3 per barrel oil levy for the New Zealand Refining
Company, which increases the oil companies’ profits by 100% at the
taxpayers’ expense and with all future oil prospecting licenses, the
Government has the option to take 51% of any discovery without meeting
exploration costs. This is designed to discourage further exploration,
thereby keeping the lid on the Great South Basin discovery.

Meanwhile, in Australia, new P.M. Malcolm Fraser reopens uranium mining and
opens the way for takeover of mineral resources with big tax breaks for oil
exploration, coal and mining.

Muldoon returns a favour to the oil companies by arranging $US200 million
loan for Maui Gas Development for Shell/BP/Todd.

September, 1976: With captive politicians in place in both Australia and
New Zealand, the Internationalists can now proceed with their strategy of
takeover of the economy and exploitation of natural resources. “In New
Zealand, the elimination of unnecessary competition is fundamental to a
sound economy,” Brierly says.

Parksy and Colby use Brierly/Jones Investments as a vehicle to buy into
A.B. Consolidated Holdings in New Zealand.

Associate of R. Jones, Pat Goodman, is appointed ‘consultant’ of
Australasian and Pacific Holdings.

November, 1976: The Internationalists (Mafia) set up a NZ money ‘funnel’
using Brierley’s City Realties. National Insurance Co acquires 33% of the
stock. Largest stockholders in National Insurance are the US Firemen’s Fund
– Chairman and President Myron Du Bain also Vice Chairman of American
Express (Amex). Chairman of I.E.L. linked International Harvester, Archie
McCardell, also Amex Director. Amex linked with Chase Manhattan and seven
Sisters’ Texaco and Mobil. Du Bain also Director of CIA-linked United
California Bank, which is a partner in Commercial Pacific Trust.

To complete the money funnel, National Insurance becomes a stockholder in
Chase Manhattan’s Chase-NBA. Brierley’s declared assets reach $100 million,
with shareholder’s capital of only $2.5 million – all cash acquisitions.

3rd February, 1977: Parksy and Colby close down the Brierley/Jones
Investment funnel and open up seperate channels for Brierley and Jones. 
Jones will be supplied with ‘laundered’ funds via Sydney branch of the
Nugan Hand Bank, while for Ron Brierley, Gerald Parsky uses Myron Du Bain,
Dierctor of United California Bank and also chairman and president of the
US Firemen’s Fund, which are the largest stockholders in National Insurance
(NZ). Funds to be ‘laundered’ via Chase Manhattan Bank through National
Insurance to City Realty and via United California Bank through COMPAC (New
Hebrides) to National Insurance and City Realties.

To expand the Bierley/I.E.L. ‘front’, Parsky establishes Industrial Equity
Pacific (Hong Kong).

September 1977: Brierley’s new holding company begins operations – A.B. 
Consolidated. H.W. Revell appointed Deputy Chairman and B. Hancox General
Manager, while newly-appointed directors include S. Cushing, B. Judge, O.
Gunn and P. Goodman, linked with Renouf, Fletcher and Papps through
I.E.L./N.Z.U.C.

* Strategy: To target and divide key sectors of the economy for takeover,
exploitation and monopolisation. Operations to extend to use Hong Kong
facility, I.E.P. Fletchers to extend the Khashoggi/Rockefeller Travelodge
operation by taking holdings in Vacation Hotels and Intercontinental
Properties (Renouf Chairman).

October, 1977: Muldoon and JOhn Todd – Shell/BP/Todd – sign an agreement. 
NZ Govt would take 24.5% holding in the Great South Basin for $1.65
Billion. Hunt would reduce his holding from 45.5% to 27.5% and Arco would
sell its 6.5%.

* Reason: Hunt did not possess the technology to pump oil from deep water;
Gulf possessed the technology but did not tell Hunt. Arco was not told
anything and were swindled out of its 6.5% concession.

November, 1977: Muldoon introduces the S.I.S Amendment Bill, designed to
keep the economy free of obstruction and to help uncover obstructive
elements. Telephone taps, mail tampering and other surveillance methods
approved after CIA input on contents of legislation.

Late 1977: Muldoon travels to the US to meet top Rockefeller officials,
including Trilateralists’ Deputy Secretary of State, Warren Christopher,
and Richard Bolbrooke, who were in charge of the new “South Pacific Desk”
at the State Department established by Rockefeller to target exploitatin of
both New Zealand and Australia. In Los Angeles, Muldoon meets top
Rockefeller officials, Robert Anderson (Rockwell Chairman, also Director of
Kashoggi’s Security Pacific National Bank) and P. Larkin (Rockwell
Director, also Chairman, Executive Committee Security Pacific National Bank
and Director of Marac).

April, 1978: Muldoon sets up Petrocorp. New Zealand taxpayers pay for the
exploration costs but the oil companies control all distribution outlets. 
Muldoon blocks development of Maui B as restructured supplies mean higher
prices and bigger profits for Shell/BP/Todd. South Island gas market not
developed as Great South Basin fields closer than Kapuni. Plans develop
for re-opening of National Parks for mineral exploitation.

22nd July, 1978: Director of Australian Federal Bureau of Narcotics
suspends his invetigation into the Nugan Hand Bank after pressure from the
CIA and Australian politicians controlled by Mafia, particularly Malcolm
Fraser.

Brierly’s declared assets reach $200 million, with shareholders’ funds only
$17 million.

May, 1979: Trilateral Commission secretary Zbignieu Brzezinski appoints
Muldoon chairman of Board of Governors of IMF/World Bank on orders of David
Rockefeller. Muldoon would head three-man administration committee which
included Canadian Finance Minister Mitchell Sharp, key figure in the Mafia
Council and the Trilateral Commission. Australian Treasurer McMahon also
involved.

8th June, 1979: Michael Hand, Frank Nugan, Brierley and James Fletcher meet
in Hand’s Sydney penthouse to discuss the establishment of the New Zealand
Mafia organisation.

Mid- 1979: Gulf Oil using its man Brierley, begins operations designed to
capture key sectors of the economy. A.B Consolidated restructured into the
Goodman Group and Goodman to run operations but with the majority of the
stock held by IEL and Brierley using Shell companies plus dummy
corporations.

* Strategy: To take over food and produce resources, Brierley and Fletcher
restructured a small private company, H.W. Smith, using Cyril Smith as
Chairman but with key executives Judge, Collins and McKenzie. Bob Jones
helps.

Private company used, as no Commerce Commission control, accounts not
published, no public disclosure of transactions. Bunting is established as
a shell company and the South Island is targeted for asset-stripping and
takeover, as well as key sectors of theautomobile industry.

Unlimited funds channelled through City Realties, NZUC and Marac extends
Travelodge operations by buying control of Transholdings, which has
strategic holdings in Vacation Hotels and Tourist Corp. Fiji Holdings.

17th August, 1979: New Zealand Mafia inaugral meeting in Sydney including
Hand, Brierley, Fletcher, Goodman, R.Trotter, Alan Hawkins and L.Papps.

Key sectors of the economy would be taken over- food, using Goodman;
forestry and farming, using Fletcher and Trotter; property, using Brierley
and Jones. Brierley, Hand and Papps would be responsible for banking,
insurance and finance, while Hand and Hawkins would be responsible for
setting up new “laundry” channels into New Zealand.

The economy would be taken over using cheap loans of less than 5%, while
consumers would pay 28%.

October, 1979: BP Oil begis $100 million joint venture deal with Fletcher
and Trotter at Tasman.

Muldoon makes secret deal with oil companies which effectively robs New
Zealand taxpayers by giving Shell/BP/Todd the Maui Gas deal. Normally the
granting of drilling rights on public land is done using a worldwide system
which incorporates an auction tender system. Muldoon bypassed this. 
Also, Shell/BP/Todd pays no tax on Kapuni profits, while putting funds into
Maui development.

19th November, 1979: Secret meeting in Auckland between Muldoon, Fletcher
and Trotter to transfer 43% Tasman Pulp and Paper held by New Zealand
Government to Challenge Corporation (Chairman Trotter) and Fletchers. 
Tasman has lucrative 75-year contract for cheap timber signed in 1955.

Muldoon paid off with a $1 million ‘non-repayable’ loan – $500,000 to be
paid into account number 8746665 at New Hebrides branch of the Australian
International Bank.

November, 1979: Muldoon drops restrictions on foreign investment. AMAX
(Standard Oil of California subsidiary) captures the Martha Hill goldmine.

Muldoon unveils the Government’s plans (instructed by Rockefeller) to form
New Zealand into an offshore production base for the multi-national
corporations as benefits include government export incentives, stable
government, cheap labour, and so on.

27th November, 1979: Gerald Parsky’s lieutenant, David Kennedy, meets
Muldoon to deliver $US100,000 cash to Muldoon for implementing the
Internationalists’ Mafia Think Big plans.

These plans began with big contracts and guaranteed profits for the Seven
Sisters, Bechtel, Mitsubishi, Mitsui, Nippon Steel, Internationalists’
Mafia banks.

With the experimental petroleum plant, the oil price has to be $50/barrel
to be profitable, yet Mobil’s profits are guaranteed.

New Zealand Steel is to be expanded 500%, even though there was a global
steel glut of 50%.

Fletchers own 10% of New Zealand Steel and are majority stockholders in
Pacific Steel and control monopoly over wire rod, reinforcing steel. Also,
New Zealand taxpayers subsidise Fletchers’ profits.

Muldoon introduces the National Development Bill with ‘fast-track’
legislation, to keep the economy ‘free of obstruction’ for long-term
monopolisation. C.E.R. plan introduced, designed to integrate the economies
of Australia and New Zealand with the Trilateral Commission for the purpose
of exploiting the South Pacific countries and as a ‘back-door’ entrance
into China – the world’s largest untapped consumer market. New Zealand is
also the closest country to Antarctica, which has a vast mineral resource
for future exploitation.

“Think Big” projects begin, even though Muldoon aware of studies that show
New Zealand could conserve up to 40% of energy consumption using existing
technology, which would mean funds could be invested elsewhere to lower
consumer prices, lower inflation rates, less demand for imported oil and
increased imployment by creating new industry to manufacture and install
energy-saving technology. None of these options seriously considered as
all would lessen profits for members of the Rockefeller organisations.

December 1979: Muldoon unveils ‘stage two’ of a four-stage plan to exploit
the Great South Basin discovery. Plan prepared by Trilateralist ‘Think
Tank’ – the Brookings Institute.

‘Stage Two’ includes methanol plant and synthetic petrol plant, which would
initially use gas from the Maui field and later would link with underwater
gas pipe from Campbell Island.

With the New Zealand Steel 500% expansion, ‘stage three’ of the project and
Think Big contracts to go to Bechtel, Fluor Corp., Mitsubishi, Mitsui,
Nippon Steel, etc. All investments would be financed by the New Zealand
taxpayer.

17th January, 1980: $500,000 deposited in Muldoon’s account number 8746665
at the Australian International Bank, being the final payment for the
Tasman deal.

Early 1980: Kashoggi Travelodge operations extended with affiliation
agreement between Dominion Breweries and Western International Hotels
(Seattle First National Bank).

May, 1980: Mafia’s Nugan Hand banking operation crashes after Frank Nugan
killed. Death ruled as suicide even though no fingerprints found on the
rifle. Maloney, Houghton, Yates and Hand shred important documents, but
miss some. CIA helps Hand and Bank President Donald Beasley escape to the
U.S. The CIA and Australian Security Intelligence Organisation cover
everything up. Beazley appointed President of Miami City National Bank, run
by Alberto Dugue for ‘laundering’ profits from the CIA Colombian cocaine
operation.

There is a probability that Michael Hand killed Frank Nugan because of his
involvement with Hand’s fiancee.

25th May, 1980: Colby arrived in Australia to discuss replacement of the
Nugan Hand Bank with Hand, Brierley, and Seldon. Immediate funding
available from Sydney branch of the Deak Bank, a separate CIA operation,
and IEL would be used to buy NZI Corp., to prepare for future laundering
operations.

Maloney, Houghton, Yates, and Hand would shred all documents leading back
to the New Zealand Great South Basin connection, and the CIA would help
Hand and Bank President Donald Beazley escape to the USA. The CIA and ASIO
would also cover everything up.

Hand and Beazley turn up in Miami – Beazley appointed President and Hand
‘consultant’ to the Miami City National Bank, but also Hand turned up in El
Salvador to help organise bankrolling of the Contras with other ex- members
of Nugan-Hand.

23rd June, 1980: New Zealand Mafia, including Brierley, Fletcher, Trotter,
Jones, Hawkins, Goodman, and Papps meet in Wellington to discuss merger of
Fletcher Challenge and Tasman.

In order to replace Nugan Hand Bank’s 22 world-wide branches, quick moves
are made to buy control of NZI by New Zealand Mafia using Brierley, thereby
capturing an established, world-wide organisation through the Hong Kong and
Shanghai Bank, which is also linked to the CIA through its subsidiary,
World Finance Corporation.

Late 1980: Fletchers, with strong Rockefeller links, obtains lucrative
contracts on US Bases in the Pacific and joint ventures in Saudi Arabia and
Iraq.

Control extended over New Zealand natural resources – Fletcher Challenge
and Tasman Pulp and Paper merged. NZFP takes control of M.S.D. Spiers and
Moore Le Messurier (Aust). Brierley begins joint venture with NZFP through
Williamson and Jeffrey. I.E.L, through Goodman, buys 20% of Watties and
begins cross-shareholding agreement. Goodman continues buying up control
of NZ bakeries and flour- mills.

February, 1981: TNL., Brierley, AMOIL and MIM Holdings begin joint gold
mining operation. MIM major shareholder is ASARCO (US), whose Chairman,
Barber, is also Director of Chase Manhattan Bank.

New Zealand Insurance and South British merger.

Parliamentarians For World Order – Richard Prebble elected one of twelve
councillors.

Fletcher and Papps (Chairman UEB) sell their hotel operations to
Singaporian interest clossely associated with the Pritzker family – owners
of the Hyatt Hotel chain. Bueton Kanter, Pritzker family lawyer and
Director of Hyatt Hotels, who helped arrange the deal, was an old family
partner of Paul Helliwell (CIA paymaster for the Bay of Pigs fiasco) and
had helped the Pritzker family set up tax shelters using the CIA’s
Mercantile Bank and Trust and the Castle Bank, which had been set up by
Helliwell for ‘laundering’ profits from the Onassis heroin operations as
well as ‘skim money’ from the Hughes casino operations in Las Vegas.

Others who used these banks include Richard Nixon, Bebe Rozo, Robert Vesco,
Teamsters Union, etc.

12th March, 1981: Brierley calls secret meeting in Auckland, which
includes Jones, Fletcher, Hawkins, Papps and Burton Kanter, to discuss
transfer of the Fletcher Challenge and UEB hotel operations to the
Singapore front company controlled by the Pritzker family.

20th July, 1981: Parsky, Colby, Brierley and Seldon meet in Sydney with
two new members, Kerry Packer and Alan Bond.

Chase Manhattan and Security Pacific National Bank will acquire 60% of
Packer’s company, with the stock being held in Australia, and 35% Bond’s
company, with the stock being held in Hong Kong.

August 1981: Gulf Oil, using Brierley, strengthens its hold over New
Zealand natural resources. Cue Energy launched, starring Lawrey and Gunn. 
NZOG launched with strategic holdings by Jones, Renouf and Brierley with
licences in PPD 38206 and 38204 – both next to Hunt’s Great South Basin
discovery, NZOG also controls 80 million tonnes of coal through the Pike
River Coal Company.

Brierley-controlled Wellington Gas, Christchurch Gas, Auckland and Hawkes
Bay Gas and Dual Fuel Systems (Australasia) which controls the vehicle gas
conversion market.

Liquigas Limited set up to distribute LPG, controlled by Shell/BP/Todd and
Fletcher Challenge.

15th February, 1982: Brierley calls New Zealand meeting – Jones, Fletcher,
Trotter, Hawkins, Goodman and Papps. New members include Bruce Judge, J.
Fernyhough, and Frank Renouf.

With Muldoon about to deregulate the liquor industry, Brierley and
Fernyhough plan to buy up the New Zealand liquor industry, along with its
outlets, Lion Breweries and Rothmans to help.

Brierley will do the same in Australia. J.R. Fletcher becomes Managing
Director of Brierley’s Dominion Breweries to oversee operations. Rothmans
and Brierley (through Goodman) have equal holdings in Saudicapital Corp. 
Lion Directors Myers and Fernyhough also stockholders in NZOG.

Fletcher and Brierley begin their takeover of the freezing works industry. 
FCL buys into South Island works while Brierley begins takeover of Waitaki
NZR through Watties with the help of Athol Hutton.

With Think Big projects beginning, Fletcher and Trotter plan to take
strategic holdings in NZ Cement, Wilkins Davies, Steel & Tube etc., and
Brierley would use Renouf to take 3% stake of the Martha Hill gold-mine.

Also targetted are clothing, footwear, carpet manufacture and more of the
auto industry for takeover and monopolisation.

June, 1982: Meantime, in Australia, an new money funnel begins. H.W Smith
buys to obscure South Pine Quarries, which is renamed Ariadne (Aust). 
South Pine Quarries owns 50% of Coal-Liquid Inc., with the other half owned
by US Defence contractors McDonnellDouglas. Coal-Liquid renamed Impala
Securities.

The common link between Gulf Oil and McDonnell Douglas is the CIA’s
Mercantile Bank and Trust, which both companies use for world-wide bribery
and payoff operations. McDonnell Douglas officials McKeough and
G.T.Hawkins later appointed directors of Impala Securities.

US links strengthened through Industrial Equity Pacific, which acquires
part of Higbee Company in Cleveland, which in turn is closely linked to the
National City Bank of Cleveland. This bank is closely associated with Gulf
Oil’s bank, Pittsburgh National and Mellon Bank.

Bruce Judge installed as Ariadne manager.

July, 1982: Media takeover begins. Brierley takes 24% NZ News Ltd and
begins buying up private radio. Rupert Murdoch helps.

27th July, 1982. Brierley, Jones and Goodman meet in Auckland with two
Japanese members of the Trilateral Commission to discuss integration of the
New Zealand economy into the Pacific Rim economy. Trilateralists include: 
Takeshi Watanabe (Japanese Chairman of Trilateral Commission) and Daigo
Miyado (Chairman Sanwa Bank).

The Japan/New Zealand Business Council would be established to co-ordinate
policy with Goodman appointed as Chairman.

17th August, 1982: Inauguration of restructured US Mafia Council – rulers
include David Rockefeller, responsible for Banking; John McCloy; Redman
Rockefeller and J.D. Rockefeller, who would run the Seven Sisters.

Second-tier Council includes:

* Gerald Parsky – responsible for heroin and cocaine operations
* William Simon – responsible for running the Presidency, Cabinet, etc
* Katherine Graham – link to arms manufacturers
* Zbigniew Brzezinski – link to National Security Council and CIA
* George S. Franklin – link to FBI

Third-tier Council includes:

* Zbigniew Brzezinski – Secretary
* Gerald Parsky – Heroin Cocaine operations
* William Colby – crack operations, assassinations
* John N. Perkins – banking, laundering
* Leonard Woodcock – labour, unions
* Mitchell Sharp – banking
* William Simon – presidency, Cabinet
* Ernest C. Arbuckly – arms manufacturers
* George W. Bull – Bildrberg and Council of Foreign Relations
* Katherine Graham – arms manufacturers
* Alden W. Clausen – World Bank, IMF
* Willam T. Coleman – CIA
* Archibald K. Davis – media, radio, television, and newspapers
* George S. Franklin – FBI, and Trilateral Commission co-ordinator
* J.D. Rockefeller – to “spy” on the 15 man council.

September, 1982: Goodman now helps establish the Japan/New Zealand Council
with the Bank of Tokyo and the Industrial Bank of Japan. Tokai Pulp Co.
buys shareholding in NZFP, which also begins joint venture with Shell Oil.

Fletcher Challenge strengthens links with the Rockefeller organisation by
acquiring the Canadian operations of Crown Zellerbach, whose chairman is
also director of Gulf Oil. Crown Zellerbach Corp. has direct connections
to Rockefeller through directors Mumford, Hendrickson and Granville, to
United California Bank through Roth and to the Bank of America through
Chairman C.R. Dahl.

Meanwhile, Robert Jones Investments floated to extend operations of City
Realties, Ilmond Properties, Chase Corp., etc. The Commerce Building in
Auckland sold to Robert Jones Investments by Robert Jones Holdings for
$950,000 when recently it was offered on the market for $200,000. A quick
$750,000 for Jones. Robert Jones Investments was set up by Brierley, Jones
and Hawkins.

8th December, 1982: Mitchell Sharp heads top-level Mafia meeting in San
Francisco. Others include Parsky, Perkins, Woodcock and C.R. Dahl –
Chairman of Crown Zellermach.

Also present are – Brierley, Trotter, Fletcher and Seldon. Meeting to
discuss Great South Basin exploitation strategy withfirst priority being
monopolisation of the economy; second priority to establish oil refineries
and related industries; third to integrate New Zealand economy into
Trilateral economy and, fourth, to concentrate power back to the U.S
through the Seven Sisters, Chase Manhattan and Security Pacific National
Bank.

Fletcher Challenge will link New Zealand economy directly to the U.S by
merging with Canadian subsidiary of Crown Zellerbach with funds provided by
Security Pacific National Bank and United Californian Bank.

Brierley, Fletcher, Trotter and Seldon will be New Zealand Ruling Council,
headed by Brierley, who would take orders from Gerald Parsky.

Mid-1983: Brierley’s Ariadne (Aust) takes control of Repco (NZ) through
Repco (Aust), therby taking control of key auto-related industry, helped by
Borg Warner and Honeywell – which are closely associated with IEL through
International Harvester, Continental Illinois Bank and the First National
Bank of Chicago. Toyota and Nissan also help so that Brierley now largest
distributor of auto and industrial parts, largest manufacturer of pistons,
filters and engine bearings, as well as biggest supplier of forklifts,
tractors and agricultural equipment.

Meantime, control is extended over the Great South Basin oil source with
Hunt, after big losses resulting from trying to corner the world’s silver
market, being forced to sell out some of his concession to Gulf Oil, which
uses Brierley to set up a new company – Southern Petroleum – which takes a
14.5% interest. Hunt retains overall control with 45.5%, Petro-Corp has
40% and Chairman F. Orr, also a Director of Brierley – controlled Watties.

Brierley, through Goodman, takes control of TNL Group and its subsidiaries
NZ Motor Bodies and L & M Mining, which has 15% interest in the Chatham
Rise, right next to the Hunt concession.

Southern Petroleum set up by Brierley in New Zealand was spearheaded by the
Seven Sisters’ companies with Gerald Parsky and William Colby initiators. 
Southern Petroleum to include 21% of the Great South Basin held by gulf and
Mobil Oil. 90% of this stock held in Australia through IEL (ie
Brierley’s).

11-12th May, 1983: New Zealand Mafia meet in Cook Islands. Includes
Brierley, Trotter, Fletcher, Jones, Hawkins, Goodman, Pappas, Judge,
Renouf, and Fernyhough. New members include A. Gibbs, McConnell,
H.Fletcher and O.Gunn. Japanese Trilateralists Takeshi Wataneve and Daigo
Miyado discuss ‘integration’ of New Zealand into the Pacific Rim economies.

A new political party would be established using Jones and financed by the
New Zealand Mafia Council.

* Reason: Parsky and Colby wanted Muldoon out because he had ‘welched’
on a deal to set up two US military deep-water submarine bases planned for
Dusky Sound and Guards Bay in the South Island. Parsky, Brierley and Ray
Cline hold a separate meeting to discuss the purchase of New Zealand
politicians, including Lange, Douglas and Bolger.

Cline was ‘consultant’ to the CIA’s Deak Bank, took orders from Colby, and
was responsible for the 10 Australian politicians on the CIA’s payroll,
including Bjelke Petersen, I. Sinclair, Keating, McMullen, M.Fraser, D. 
Anthony, K. Newman, J Carrick, B. Cowan and R. Connor.

Cline outlines CIA plan to begin subliminal television advertising.

22nd June, 1983: New Zealand politician J. Bolger meets Ray Cline in
Sydney and agrees to join the organisation for a monthly fee of $US20,000
to be paid into account number GA1282117 at Geneva branch of Credit Swisse.

20th July, 1983: New Zealand politician R. Douglas meets Ray Cline in
Wellington and agrees to join the organisation for a monthly fee of
$US10,000 to be paid into account number 3791686 at the Sydney Branch of
the Deak Bank.

July 1983: Parsky launches a new front company, Chase Corporation, with
25% of the stock being held through Security Pacific National Bank in
Australia and 25% held in Hong Kong by Chase Manhattan. Brierley and
Hawkins set up a ‘back-door’ listing to cover up true-ownership.

++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

August, 1983: Muldoon imposes withholding tax on all ofshore borrowing.

Chase Manhattan, United California Bank and Brierley begin new banking
operation in New Zealand to take over the International Harvester Credit Co
(NZ), Australasian Investment Company. Participants include Chase
Manhattan’s Kuwait Asia Bank, D.F.C., Saudicorp (Brierley has 12% through
Goodman) and United California, represented by National Insurance which is
part of Equus Holdings.

Renouf sells 20% NZUC to Barclays and prepared for expanding of operations
with Brierley.

Meantime, Murdoch and Brierley expand their close ties by each taking a
piece of New Zealand Maritime Holdings and with the election imminent,
divide up New Zealand media for takeover to increase Mafia control. NZ
News buys Hawkes Bay News, Nelson Tribune, Timaru Herald, etc. Brierley
increases holding in Hauraki Enterprises and other private radio stations. 
Brierley and Murdoch have majority stockholding in NZPA with 48.5%, while
in the UK, Murdoch has large stockholding in Reuters.

The phoney news becomes THE news.

Head of the Murdoch operation is Burnett, who is also on the board of
Winstones – a Brierley company.

September, 1983: With global heroin epidemic, Rockefeller expands
operations to recycle profits.

New Zealand South British sets up the IDAPS computer bureau to establish
international holding companies, dummy corporations, etc and to pursue
aggressive global acquisition programme. IDAPS linked to satellite bureaux
in Australia, Far East, UK and the US, where the global network is
completed through links with the Rockefeller organisation computer network.

General Manager of the operation, George Wheller, previously director of
the international operators of Firemen’s Fund (US), Chairman Du Bain,
director of the United California Bank, and Vice-Chairman of Amex.

As part of the expanded laundry operation, Rockefeller associate Adnan
Kashoggi establishes new Australian bank – Security Pacific National Bank
(Aust). Brierley’s part of this operation is to buy up computer companies
such as Andas, CID Distributors (NZ Apple computer franchise,etc).

Investment companies begin operations in Australia and New Zealand to
assist recycle Mafia profits.

October 1983: Brierley takes over NZFP through Watties, helped by newly-
appointed chairman Papps. Papps also chairman of NZ Railways and presided
over transport deregulation, the major beneficiaries of which include
Watties and Freightways – Managing Director Pettigrew and Director Lang
also both on the NZFP board with Papps.

Papps also responsible for the railways’ electrification programme with big
contracts for Cory Wright & Slamon, whose directors include I.I McKay, also
on the board of NZFP.

Late 1983: AMAX (Social) gives Gulf Oil a share in the Martha Hill gold
bonanza by selling 15% of its holdings to Briereley through Goodmans. Oil
companies say that only $870 million worth of minerals in Martha Hill,
while true figure is closer to $3 billion.

21st January, 1984: Australian Mafia Council meets in Sydney. Includes –
Brierley, Seldon, Fletcher, Jones, Goodman, Hawkins, Papps, Packer, Bond
and Japanese Trilaterist Daigo Miyado. New members include J. Elliott, L. 
Adler, and Holme’s A’Court. Seldon outlines strategy of merging Australian
economy with the Trilateralist economy through Europe and the US.

In Australia, the Mafia Council will monopolise the economy with company
takeovers through the use of loans at less than 5%.

Holme’s A’Court’s company would be taken over using Security Pacific
National Bank and Chase Manhattan Bank, with some of the stock being held
in London.

Equiticorp will be launched using Hawkins, with 50% of the stock held by
Security Pacific National Bank and Chase Manhattan in the US Equiticorp to
registered in Hong Kong to cover up true ownership, and will use the same
laundry as Chase Corporation – Hawkins will set up a maze of shell
companies and dummy organisations to disguise operations.

Hawkins previously associated with Kashoggi when Corporate Secretary of
Marac, and linked with Renouf through their stockholding in CBA Finance,
which is a partner in Commercial Pacific Trust with United California Bank,
Hawkins forms umbrella company with Chase Corpl, Jedi Investments and
Teltherm and begins setting up a maze of cross holding companies. Brierley
retains his connection through his Charter Corporation’s holding in
Teltherm.

January 1984: Brierley and Elliott begin moves to monopolise the food
industry in Australasia by merging Goodman and the Elders Group, while
Brierley sells 10% of Watties to the NZ Dairy Board – setting the stage for
land takeover and establishment of the Corporate Farm.

February 1984: New Zealand politician D. Lange meets Ray Cline in
Wellington and agrees to go on the Mafia payroll for monthly fee of
$UA40,000 paid into account number 5263161 at Commercial Pacific Trust, New
Hebrides.

March 1984: Muldoon knighted with GCMG for keeping the economy free of
obstructions for easier takeover and exploitation.

24th May, 1984: Four-man CIA team co-ordinated by Ray Cline arrive in New
Zealand to begin installation of equipment for subliminal television
advertising at five sites – Waiatarua, Mt Erin, Kaukau, Sugarloaf and
Obelisk.

Sophisticated equipment can be installed within one kilometer of TV relay
arrials and all linked to one IDAPS computer bureau in Auckland.

Same equipment installed in Australia August 1985; Japan September 1986; UK
February 1987: New York 1987. Also, Amax geoligists now estimate Martha
Hill gold source could be worth up to $30 billion on strength of high
gold/tonne ore assay.

17th July, 1984: In New Zealand, subliminal advertising begins on Channel
Two between 6pm and midnight – hours later extended tobegin at noon. 
Subliminal 

messages prepared in the US by the CIA and with New Zealand election
imminent, tell voters to support the Labour Party, the New Zealand Party
and to buy Mafia company products.

New Zealand Party was formed to ensure that Muldoon would lose, as Big
Business unhappy with controls over economy. Big campaign contributions
from Brierley, the oil companies and the Business Round Table ensure a
Labour victory.

Later, Lange agrees to repay the favour to Brierley by selling the
Government holding in the Kariori Pulp Mill to Winstones. New Zealand
taxpayer loses $100 million.

Government then becomes the arm of big business, using economic policies
provided by the Business Round Table, implemented by Finance Minister
Roger Douglas and the package being sold by David Lange, who also keeps up
a noisy CIA directed ANZUS withdrawal campaign.

* Reason: 1) ANZUS Treaty did not cover Mafia requirements over the Great
South Basin discovery; 2) To identify any oppositin or threats within New
Zealand who align themselves with supposed Government policy, Lange
increases the SIS budget and strangthens links with the CIA.

Brookings Institute are the actual designers of the New Zealand Government
econmomic policies provided by the Business Round Table (NZ Mafia front)
and implented by the Government.

Douglas devalues the dollar and deregulates interest rates, which means
cheaper labour, cheaper capital assets and high mortgage rates, thereby
implementing Big Business policy of driving farmers off the land,
establishment of the corporate farm and eventually remove viability of
small business sector, etc.

27th September, 1984: New Zealand Mafia meets at new ‘safe house’
registered under Fernyhough’s name, in Auckland. Those present include
Brierley, J. Fletcher, Trotter, Jones, Goodman, Gunn, Papps, Hawkins,
Judge, Renouf, Fernyhough, Gibbs and McConnell. Daigo Miyado announces
appointment of Trotter as International Vice President of the Trilateral
Commission Pacific Basin Economic Council.

Brierley outlines strategy of privatisation of the New Zealand Government
and the establishment of the New Zealand Centre for Independent Studies
which will be chaired by Gibbs, aided by Fernyhough and controlled by
Cline, which will ‘advise’ Treasury on privatisation.

Parsky, Brierley and Seldon hold a separate meeting with Parsky, outlining
plans for an expanded laundry operation which will coincide with the launch
of ‘Crack’ – a new addictive product developed by CIA chemists for the
world market.

Equiticorp (Aust) will be launched with Adler as Manager and a new merchant
bank using Eldrs, Goodman and Jarden.

IEI will merge with Armco Bank, which has 20 branches in South East Asia;
Ariadne will acquire the Bank of Queensland, and Brierley Investments will
form a cross-shareholding with NZI Corp to further increase control by
their Mafia organisation. Other plans include the laundering of funds
directly to the New Zealand and Australian Governments and the
establishment of key companies within the economies of New Zealand,
Australia and Hong Kong.

The first key company will control the food industry in Australasia through
merger of Elders, Goodmans, Allied Mills, Fielder Gillespie and Watties. 
Allied Mills will control 30%Goodmans, 30% Fielder, 20% Watties and will
expand into Europe via acquisition of Rank, Hovis McDougall (UK). Allied
Mills will be controlled through IEL.

26th October, 1984: Trotter, Hawkins, Lange and Douglas meet in Wellington
to implement Mafia plans to privatise the Government and to deregulate the
banking system.

Late 1984: As part of the IDAPS computer-controlled ‘laundry’ operation,
Trotter and Fletcher help establish the ‘Pacific Investment Fund’ with
Australian and New Zealand investments to be managed by Hong Kong and
Shanghai Bank subsidiary, Wardley and the Japanese operation controlled by
Tokyo Trust and Banking Company – owned by Sanwa Bank, Taiyo-Kobe Bank and
Nomura Securities. All are members of the Rockefeller World Government
organisation.

18th July, 1985: Australian Mafia meet in Sydney to discuss privatisation
of the Australian Government. Those present include – Brierley, Trotter,
Fletcher, Seldon, Goodman, Papps, Packer, Bond, Elliott, Adler, and
Japanese Trilateralist Daigo Miyado.

Cline will set up Australian Centre for Independent Studies to ‘advise’ the
Treasurer on the takeover of the economy.Impala Pacific will be set up in
Hong Kong through Ariadne with 60% of the company stock held by Chase
Manhattan and Security Pacific National Bank in Australia. In the UK,
Tozer, Kemsly & Millbourn would be taken over using IEP, while in
Australia, the Holme’s A’Court Bell Group would be used to merge with Hong
Kong and Shanghai Bank, through Standard & Chartered Bank (Hong Kong), and
Marae (NZ) Broadlands (Aust) would merge with NZI Corporation.

18th August, 1985: Cline and 6-man CIA team begin installation of
subliminal television equipment in Sydney, Brisbane and Perth.

8th November1985: Parsky, Colby and J.D Rockefeller meet in New York to
discuss their plans to assassinate McCloy and the Rockefellers and to take
control of the Mafia organisation.

Colby would organise a 8-man ‘hit squad’ to be headed by Gordon Liddy who
had worked for Colby in the 1960’s as a CIA contract killer, and was
responsible for over 10 murders including:

* 17/8/61 – two members of the Gambino Mafia family in New York
* 24/11/63 – Officer Tippitt after the Kennedy assassination in Dallas
* 18/12/63 – witness to the Kennedy assassination in Dallas
* 19/4/65 – Politician in Chicago
* 27/7/65 – Politician in Washington
* 8/9/65 – Politician in Washington
* 27/11/66 – US ‘independent’ cocaine importer, in Mexico.
* 25/11/67 – ‘Independent’ heroin importer, in Los Angeles
* 9/2/69 – Politician in Washington
28th November 1985: Australian Mafia meet in Sydney – includes: Trotter,
Fletcher, Hawkins, Bond, Elliott, Adler and Holme’s A’Court – discussed
strategy for merger of Goodman, Allied Mills, Fielde Gillespie Davis,
Watties and Elders with Chase Manhattan Bank taking 20%, Elders and IEL
10%, with stock being held through Chase-AMP Bank.

Elders woul be used as major ‘vehicle’ in the global liquor economy with
Courage Brewery in the UK to be used as entry into Europe.

Strategy finalised to take over BHP, Australia’s largest company, using
Holme’s A’Court, Brierley, Elliott and Hawkins.

In London, Chase Manhattan would takeover stockbrokers Simon & Coates who
specialise in Australasia Mafia owned companies such as Fletcher Challenge,
Brierley, NZI Corp, Elders, Bell Group and BHP. Chase Manhattan could then
issue and buy stock to manipulate the Australasian economy by increasing
price, paying no taxes, creating inflation, and enslaving the people
through debt to Mafia controlled banks.

Parsky would oversee the ‘launder’ of further loans to the NZ Government
and would begin to channel ‘loans’ through the Australian Treasury using
captive politician Keating. Also NZ Government building would be sold to
Jones and Australia Government buildings would be sold to Adler which would
then be rented back to the respective Governments at inflated prices.

17th November 1986: Brierley, Seldon, Packer, Bond, Elliott, Holmes a
Court and Adler meet in Sydney. Also present is Rupert Murdoch to assist
in Parsky strategy of media takeover in Australasia and the Pacific using
Packer and Bond (TV and Radio) Brierley and Holmes A’Court (newspapers).

Murdoch takes orders from Brzezinski since his News Corp was taken over in
1982 by Chase Manhattan and Security Pacific National Bank.

At a separate meeting with Brierley, Seldon and Cline, Parsky outlines plan
for ‘key’ Media Australasian Holding company using the Bell Group which
would be taken over by with Chase Manhattan holding 27.5% in London and the
US. Another 10% of the stock would be held through Security Pacific
National Bank (US).

8th February 1987: US Mafia Council meet in Washington – including David
Rockefeller, John McCloy, Brzezinski, Parsky, Simon, Katherine Graham, and
George Franklin.

Brzezinski outlines plans to invade Iran using 75,000 strong mercenary army
supported by US Air Force and Navy with starting date of 8th February,
1988. An integral part of the plan Saudi and Kuwaiti oil tankers would fly
the US flag to provoke an Iranian attack so that US invasion of Iran would
be ‘justified’.

* Reason: The Seven Sisters wanted to exploit a secret oil field near
Bandar Abbas discovered in 1976 with estimate 150 billion barrels and also
a huge gold source at Neyshabur discovered in 1977.

The Iranian invasion would begin after the World economic system was
collapsed by the Mafia controlled banks – target date 17th January 1988. 
Other countries on the takeover list include:
* Mexico – for oil at Baisas
* Nicaragua – for oil at Connto
* Colombia – for gold at Papayan
* South Korea – for gold at Chunchon
* New Zealand – for oil in the Great South Basin.

Written by nuganhand

September 2, 2008 at 9:19 am

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Tagged with ,

US TV station wrestles with Octopus

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KESQ.com

The FBI’s investigation inside the Riverside County District Attorney’s Office may have stemmed from the circumstances surrounding the deaths of a D.A.’s investigator and his family at his mountain home. Though there has been no answer about the tragic event, several people have been affected, and questions have risen over the last case of the dead investigator, David McGowan.

Written by nuganhand

September 2, 2008 at 6:34 am

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Crimes of Patriots by Jonathan Kwitny

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MOTHER JONES, Aug/Sept 1987.

Says MoJo: Jonathan Kwitny is an investigative reporter for the WALL STREET JOURNAL. This article is adapted from his book, THE CRIMES OF PATRIOTS: A TRUE TALE OF DOPE, DIRTY MONEY, AND THE CIA (W.W. Norton & Co.). Congressional hearings provide us with daily glimpses into a shadowy world of arms dealers, middlemen, retired military officers, and spooks. The details of secret arms shipments to Iran and money transfers to the contras have provoked expressions of shock and outrage about the “privatization” of foreign policy and the president’s obsession with covert activity, as if these were inventions of the Reagan administration. They weren’t. The need, cited by the past eight presidents, to pursue a perpetual and largely secret global war against an ever-expanding Soviet empire has justified gross violations of American law for 40 years. What is new in 1987 is that a window suddenly has been opened on this shadow world before the spooks who inhabit it could completely take over. What we are seeing today is not an aberration; the aberration is only that we are seeing it, and what we are seeing is still not most of it. To fight their perpetual war, successive administrations have required an army of men who live in a world of spying and secrecy. Wrapping themselves in a cloak of patriotism, they have carried out unlawful acts of violence against civilians in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Many soldiers in this shadow army also have stretched the cloak of patriotism to cover criminal enterprises that turn a hefty profit. Indeed, “the enterprise” that has been the focus of this summer’s hearings, run by Maj. Gen. Richard Secord and his partner, Albert Hakim, is now the subject of a criminal investigation. The subject of this story is another example of such an enterprise: the Nugan Hand Bank — a mammoth drug-financing, money laundering, tax-evading, investor-fraud operation based in Sydney, Australia. Its global operations, spanning six continents, involved enough U.S. generals, admirals, CIA directors, and spooks to run a small war. Not surprisingly, their activities brought them into contact with men of similar military and intelligence backgrounds now facing possible indictment for their roles in the Iran-contra affair.

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Crimes of Patriots by Jonathan Kwitny

The cold war strayed into Lithgow, Australia, one Sunday morning in a Mercedes Benz. Sgt. Neville Brown of the Lithgow Police recorded the time as 4 A.M., January 27, 1980. “I was patrolling the Great Western Highway south of Bowenfels with Constable First Class Cross,” Sergeant Brown said. “We saw a 1977 Mercedes sedan parked on the south side of the old highway known as ’40 Bends.'” It was now three months later, and Sergeant Brown was testifying on the first day of a week-long inquest at the Lithgow courthouse. Lithgow, a settlement about 90 miles inland of Sydney, had been of little previous significance to Western Civilization. Consequently, Sergeant Brown was unused to the reporters in the courtroom and the television cameras outside. But he maintained his official poise under the stern questioning of the big-city lawyers. The two officers approached the unfamiliar Mercedes stranded on the old two-lane road. “A male person was sitting slumped over toward the center of the vehicle,” Brown testified. “A .30-caliber rifle was held by him, the butt resting in the passenger-side floor well. His left left hand held the barrel, three or four inches from the muzzle and near the right side of his head. His right rested on the trigger.” Frank Nugan, the autopsy concluded, died of a single gunshot wound. Given the moat of undisturbed gore that surrounded his body, there seemed to be no way that someone else could have gotten into his car, killed him, and left. The facts all pointed to suicide — a scenario the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency would be able to live with. Other aspects of Sergeant Brown’s tes- timony, however, were much more disturbing to the CIA and others. For example, a typed list was found in Nugan’s briefcase, containing scores of names of prominent Australian political, sports, and business personalities. Next to the names were handwritten dollar amounts, mostly five- and six-figure sums. Were they the names of debtors? Creditors? No one knew yet. Sergeant Brown also testified that a calling card was in the wallet found in Nugan’s right rear pocket. It bore the name of William E. Colby, a former CIA director and now a private consultant. Written on the back of the card was “what could have been the projected movements of someone or other,” Brown testified: “From Jan. 27 to Feb. 8, Hong Kong at the Mandarin Hotel. 29th Feb.-8th March, Singapore.” William Colby was in those places at roughly those times. Probably the most sensational testimony at the inquest came from Michael Hand, Nugan’s American partner. Hand identified himself to the court as chair- man, chief executive, and 50 percent shareholder of Nugan Hand Ltd., “the major operating company of a worldwide group of companies with offices throughout the world.” Most people still referred to the company by the name of its most prominent subsidiary, the Nugan Hand Bank. Hand’s exploits had little to do with banking. A highly decorated member of the Green Berets in Vietnam, he went on to become a contract agent for the CIA in Vietnam and Laos, training hill tribesmen for combat and working closely with the CIA’s Air America to see that the tribesmen were supplied. Bill Colby had run the program. In 1967 Hand migrated to Australia. How Michael Hand, just coming off active duty as a U.S. intelligence opera- tive in Southeast Asia, happened to hook up with Frank Nugan — a local lawyer and playboy heir to a modest food-processing fortune — is still a mystery. Asked under oath at the inquest, Hand said he couldn’t remember. Although Hand’s CIA ties had helped lure the reporters to the courtroom, thousands of people were interested in his testimony for other reasons. They, ot their families or their companies, had money invested with Nugan Hand. For weeks now, the bank’s officers had stalled off inquiries from the panicky investors. Finally, from the witness stand, Hand let loose the bad news: the company would not be able to pay its depositors. Even “secured” deposits would not be paid, since the bonds “securing” them were phony. Indeed, Nugan Hand couldn’t even pay its rent. “The company is insolvent,” said Hand. Nugan Hand’s unpayable claims amounted to some $50 million. Many more lost deposits never were claimed for one simple reason: the money had been illegal to begin with — tax cheating or dope payments or the wealth of a few Third World potentates. Not money the losers would want to account for in open court. The grand total easily could have been in the hundreds of millions of dollars. One might expect that the police, faced with the mysterious death of the head of a large international bank, would take steps to seal off his house and office. In the days after Frank Nugan’s death, however, the police stayed conveniently away, while the company’s files were packed in cartons, sorted, or fed to a shredder. Present for the ransacking was a team of former U.S. military operatives in Southeast Asia, led by CIA veteran Michael Hand, and including the president of the Nugan Hand Bank, Rear Adm. Earl F. (“Buddy”) Yates, and the mysterious puppetmaster of Nugan Hand, Maurice (“Bernie”) Houghton. Prior to becoming president of Nugan Hand Bank in 1977, Admiral Yates, A Legion of Honor winner in Vietnam, commanded the aircraft carrier USS JOHN F. KENNEDY and served as chief of staff for plans and policy of the U.S. Pacific Command. He retired from active service in 1974. Though Nugan Hand’s main offices were in Sydney and Hong Kong, and though its official address was the Cayman Islands (because of the weak regulatory laws there), Admiral Yates lived in Virginia Beach, Virginia — an easy hop from Washington, D.C., where he helped maintain a Nugan Hand office. Bernie Houghton, a fleshy, gray-haired Texan, had been a camp follower of America’s Asian wars, always as a civilian, after a few years in the Army Air Corps in World War II. He had been to Korea and Vietnam and had made a living buying and selling war surplus and supplying the “recreational” needs of GIs. Houghton arrived in Australia in January 1967, eight months before Michael Hand, where he opened the Bourbon and Beefsteak Restaurant, the Texas Tavern, and Harpoon Harry’s. All three establishments, on the seamy side of Sydney, catered to U.S troops on leave from Vietnam. Though ostensibly occupied only as a hony-tonk bar impresario, Houghton displayed a smooth working relationship with high-ranking military officers and CIA and U.S. embassy personnel. Houghton’s international travels were facilitated whenever he was needed by Australia’s secret scrutiny agency, ASIO, which also gave him security clearance in 1969. Other high-level retired Pentagon and CIA officials associated with Nugan Hand included three-star Gen. LeRoy J. Manor, former chief of staff for the entire U.S. Pacific Command, who headed the bank’s Philippine operation; Gen. Edwin Black, former high-ranking intelligence official and assistant Army chief of staff for the Pacific, who headed the bank’s Hawaii office; Gen. Erle Cocke, Jr., former national commander of the American Legion, whose consulting office served as Nugan Hand’s Washington office; Walter McDonald, former deputy director of the CIA, who devoted most of his consulting business to Nugan Hand; and several top former CIA field men. William Colby, former director of the CIA, was the bank’s lawyer on a variety of matters. Perhaps Nugan Hand Bank’s most brazen fraud was the theft of at least $5 million, maybe more than $10 million, from American civilian and military personnel in Saudi Arabia. The man in charge of Nugan Hand’s Saudi operations was Bernie Houghton, the barkeep with high-level ties to U.S. and Australian intelligence. It was 1979, the year of OPEC’s highest oil prices ever, and Saudi Arabia was awash with money. Whole new cities were planned, and thousands of American professionals and managers were arriving to supervise the hundreds of thousands of newly arriving Asian laborers. To get their services, Saudi Arabia had to offer much higher salaries than either the Americans or the Asians could earn back home. Most of the Americans were going over for a couple of years, braced to suffer the isolated, liquor- less, sexless Muslim austerity in exchange for the big nest eggs they would have when they returned home. When they got to Saudi Arabia they faced a problem, however. Every week or two they got paid in cash, American or Saudi. And because Muslim law forbids the paying or collecting of interest, there were no banks in the Western sense of the word. So what to do with all that money? A claim letter from Tom Rahill, an American working Dhahran, Saudi Arabia, described how the operation worked: “Mr. Houghton’s representatives would visit Aramco (Arabian American Oil Company) construction camps in Saudi Arabia short- ly after each payday. We ‘investors’ would turn over Saudi riyals to be con- verted at the prevailing dollar exchange rate, and receive a Nugan Hand dollar certificate…The moneys, we were told, were to be deposited in the Nugan Hand Hong Kong branch for investments in various ‘secured’ government bonds.” Another claim letter, from a group of 70 American workers in Saudi Arabia (who among them lost $1.5 million), says that was their understanding as well. According to investors, Aramco, Bechtel, and other large U.S. concerns boosted the Nugan Hand connection by letting salesmen hold meetings on company property and use company bulletin boards. Bernie Houghton “only worked in cash,” says Linda Geyer, who, along with her husband, a plumber on a large construction project, invested and lost $41,481 with Nugan Hand. “One time he had to have two briefcases.” Others remember Houghton actually toting away the loot in big plastic bags, slung over his shoulder like some reverse Santa Claus. By his own admission, Houghton hauled off the intended savings not only of private-contract American employees, but also of U.S. Air Force personnel stationed in Saudi Arabia. In fact, the record shows that Houghton quickly made contact with two colonels he’d known from Vietnam War days. One of them, R. Marshall Inglebeck, “showed Mr. Houghton around, introduced him, and explained that Mr. Houghton was a banker looking for business for Nugan Hand Bank,” according to Australian investigators. The other was Col. Billy Prim, who served on Admiral Yate’s staff at the Pacific Command in Vietnam days and introduced Houghton to Yates back then. It was at Colonel Prim’s house in Hawaii that Bernie Houghton would meet Maj. Gen. Richard Secord. After word of Nugan Hand’s collapse reached the Saudi press in 1980, Houghton and some of his banking staff fled the country, several aboard the last plane out before the Saudi police came searching for them. Depositors say that when they went to the old Nugan Hand office after that, they found it occupied and guarded by U.S. Air Force personnel, who assured them that everything would be straightened out. The claim letter from the 70 investors who lost $1.5 million says, “We were greatly influenced by the number of retired admirals, generals, and colonels working for Nugan Hand.” One of the bigger mysteries surrounding Nugan Hand, the answer to which may be almost self-evident, concerns its branch in Chiang Mai, Thailand. (Indeed, Australian investigators reported that the idea for a Chiang Mai branch was suggested to Michael Hand by Murray Stewart Riley, a major Australian-U.S. drug trafficker now in prison in Australia.) Chiang Mai is the colorful market center for the hill people of northwest Thailand. Like few other cities on earth, it is known for one thing. More than Detroit is known for cars, or Newcastle for coal, or Cognac for brandy, Chiang Mai is known for dope. It is the last outpost of civilization before one enters the law-unto-itself opium-growing world of the Golden Triangle. If it seems strange for a legitimate merchant bank to open an office in Chiang Mai, consider this: the Chiang Mai Nugan Hand office was lodged on the same floor, in what appears to be the same office suite, as the United States Drug Enforcement Agency office. The offices shared a common entrance and an internal connecting door between work areas. The DEA receptionist answered Nugan Hand’s phone and took messages when the bank’s representatives were out. The DEA has provided no explanation for how this came about. Its spokes- people in Washington have professed ignorance of the situation, and DEA agents in the field have been prevented by the superiors from discussing it with reporters. The Drug Enforcement Agency has a history of working with the CIA at home and abroad; with drug money corrupting the politics of many countries, the two agencies’ affairs are often intertwined. Was that the case with the Nugan Hand office in Chiang Mai? It was, according to Neil Evans, an Australian whom Michael Hand chose as the bank’s chief representative in town. In recent years Evans has made daring statements to Australian investigators and television, and to the CBS EVENING NEWS in the United States. Among other things, he has said that Nugan Hand was an intermediary between the CIA and various drug rings. Much that Evans says appears kooky. He claims to have attended important intelligence meetings in Hong Kong and Australia that he probably didn’t attend, though the meetings may have occurred. But much else that he has said has proven to be true. In Chiang Mai he was surrounded by people with long backgrounds in U.S. intelligence who were working for Nugan Hand. They included Thais who until recently had been working in professional or executive jobs at U.S. bases or with a CIA airline, and Billy and Gordon Young, sons of missionaries, who worked for the CIA during the Vietnam War and who now have ties to a SOLDIER OF FORTUNE magazine project. And some very wealthy people whom Evans claims to have taken deposits from agree they talked often to him and were urged to make deposits. There is little doubt that many millions of dollars in deposits from numerous Thai citizens were taken out of Thailand; Nugan Hand’s surviving records establish that. The only question is: Who were the depositors? When this reporter went to Chiang Mai with a list of local citizens whom Evans said he had taken drug money from, the DEA agents on the scene at first were eager to make a deal: the list, in exchange for whatever nonconfidential information the agents could share about the people on it. The agents, all new since Nugan Hand days, went on about how curious they had been since they’d arrived in town and heard stories about the bank that used to operate across the reception room; they wanted to hear more. Suddenly a phone call came from an embassy official in Bangkok who earlier had impeded my progress in every way possible (such as by postponing issuance of standard credentials). The official ordered the DEA agents not to talk to me. And that was that. The U.S. government stonewalling on the Nugan Hand issue continued all the way to Washington. At the Hong Kong office of U.S. Customs, the one federal agency that acknowledges it looked even briefly into Nugan Hand, senior investigator James Wilkie agreed to an interview. I was waved in to find Wilkie seated behind a desk next to a shredding machine and a large carton of papers bearing a red horizontal strip, outling the white letters C-L-A-S-S-I- F-I-E-D. Wilkie was calmly feeding the documents into the shredder as he spoke, taking each batch of shreddings out and putting them through a second time. “We can’t comment on anything that’s under investigation or might be under investigation,” he said. Was Nugan Hand under investigation? “There wasn’t an investigation. We did make some inquiries. We can’t comment.” I asked what was being shredded. “It’s none of your business what’s being shredded,” Wilkie replied. And that, as far as the American voter and taxpayer is concerned, may be the whole problem. From the time of Frank Nugan’s death in 1980, through four wide-sweeping investigations commissioned by the Australian government, the Nugan Hand Bank scandal has rocked Australian politics and dominated its press. To date, the investigations have revealed widespread dealings by Nugan Hand with inter- national heroin syndicates and evidence of mammoth fraud against U.S. and foreign citizens. But many questions about the bank’s operations remain unaswered. The law in Australia, and in most other countries where Nugan Hand dealt, restricts the export of money. Michael Hand himself boasted that Nugan Hand moved $1 billion a year through its seemingly magical windows. How could the Australian security agencies have let an operation of that size break the exchange laws with impunity for so many years — unless, of course, the Australian agencies were cooperating with the bank, or had been told that Nugan Hand had a powerful government sanction from abroad? The U.S. military officers who worked for Nugan Hand told Australian investigators they were unaware of the bank’s illicit activities. They said they had been duped just like the depositors. [Ack! -jpg] But could that level of stupidity be ascribed to high officials who only recently were responsible for supervising BILLIONS of dollars in U.S. taxpayer funds — hundreds of thousands of troops and whole fleets of aircraft and aircraft carriers — who specialized in, of all things, intelligence? Or was it more likely that these men, at least most of them, weren’t thieves, and that there was some political motive behind their work? The presence of former U.S. military and intelligence officers in Nugan Hand’s executive ranks raises obvious questions about the role of the U.S. government. But the CIA, the FBI, and the U.S. Customs Service, all of whom have information on Nugan Hand, have refused to release what they know to Australian investigators. When an Australian newspaper, the NATIONAL TIMES, petitioned the FBI for information on Nugan Hand under the Freedom of Information Act, the newspaper was told that it could only see 71 of some 151 pages of material in FBI files. When these papers arrived they resembled a collection of Rorschach tests, with page after page blacked out in heavy ink and bearing the notation “B-1,” indicating that disclosure would endanger U.S. “national defense or foreign policy.” The fragmentary records left by Nugan Hand and the testimony of some peri- pheral characters in this case suggest there was a political side to much of of the bank’s business — from negotiations with the Sultan of Brunei about ways to protect the sultan’s wealth in case of political upheaval, to lengthy reports from Nugan Hand’s Thai representative describing Vietnamese troop movements and battle tactics in Cambodia. Australia’s Joint Task Force on Drug Trafficking released a four-volume report on Nugan Hand to Parliament in 1983, which determined that Nugan Hand had participated in two U.S. government covert operations; the sale of an electronic spy ship to Iran and weapons shipments to southern Africa, probably to U.S.-backed forces in Angola. fnord Both the Iranian and African operations involved Edwin Wilson, a career CIA officer, purportedly retired, who was then working as a civilian on the staff of a supersecret Navy intelligence operation called Task Force 157. In 1983, Wilson began serving a 52-year sentence in federal prison for supplying tons of plastic explosives, assassination gear, high-tech weapons, and trained personnel to Libya. He is also the main link between Nugan Hand and key figures in the Iran-contra affair. The crowd around Edwin Wilson at the time of Frank Nugan’s death in 1980 included Maj. Gen. Richard Secord, then involved in U.S. military sales for the Pentagon worldwide; Thomas Clines, a high-ranking CIA official who went on to run a business founded with Wilson money; Ted Shackley, deputy chief of the CIA’s clandestine services division until his ties to Edwin Wilson led to his resignation; and Rafael (“Chi Chi”) Quintero, a Bay of Pigs veteran who was hired by Wilson in 1976 for an aborted plot to assassinate a political opponent of Col. Muammar Qaddafi. (Quintero says he backed out when he found out the assassinations were not authorized by the CIA.) All of these men would later resurface as players in the Iran-contra mission: Richard Secord as the man who ran the operation for the White House; Thomas Clines as Secord’s chief aide; Ted Shackley as a consultant to a company that subsequently was used to fund the contras; and Chi Chi Quintero as one of the men who supervised the distribution of arms shipments to the contras in Central America. The 1983 Australian Joint Task Force report listed them all as people whose “background is relevant to a proper understanding of the activities of the Nugan Hand group and people associated with that group.” The ties between Wilson and his associates, on the one hand, Nugan Hand, on the other, were many: o Shorty after Ted Shackley retired from the CIA and went on to a career in private business, he began meeting with Michael Hand, the former Green Beret and CIA contract agent turned banker. Surviving correspodence between the two men indicates that their relationship was well established and friendly. o Richard Secord told Australian investigators that he had met Bernie Houghton in 1972 at the home of Colonel Prim. The task force reported that they saw each other occasionally and socially in Washington, D.C., Saudi Arabia, and the Netherlands throughout the middle and late 1970s. o In 1979 Secord introduced Houghton to Thomas Clines. The two men then met repeatedly with Ted Shackley in Washington, which eventually led to a deal to sell Philippine jeeps to Egypt. (About a year later, in June, 1980, when criminal investigations into Nugan Hand were getting under way in Australia, Thomas Clines traveled all the way to Sydney to accompany Bernie Houghton on his hasty flight out of Australia.) o Bernie Houghton met repeatedly with Edwin Wilson during this period. About the time of Frank Nugan’s death, in January 1980, Thomas Clines and Chi Chi Quintero dropped by Wilson’s Geneva office. There they found a travel bag full of documents left by Bernie Houghton. According to task force witnesses, Richard Secord’s name was mentioned as they searched the bag and removed one document. “We’ve got to keep Dick’s name out of this,” said Clines. Several of the men associated with Edwin Wilson came close to federal indictment in 1982 in a deal that brought in $71 million in Defense Department fees for delivering military equipment to Egypt. The shipments were made by Clines’s company and were overseen by Secord at the Pentagon. According to Wilson, his bookkeeper-girlfriend, and a female companion of Clines, profits were to be shared by Secord, Clines, Shackley, Wilson, and another Pentagon official, Erich von Marbod. And memos from Wilson’s lawyer at the time — first unearthed by Peter Maas for his book MANHUNT — say the profits were to be shared among a corporation, apparently controlled by Wilson, and four U.S. citizens. But federal prosecutors decided the word of these witnesses might fail against the denials of senior Pentagon officials. Besides, the careers of Secord and von Marbod seemed — at least until the Iran-contra affair — to have been effectively derailed. Both had resigned from their posts. So instead of indicting the individuals, the prosecutors indicted only Clines’s company, without saying who, besides Clines and an Egyptian partner, were thought to be the other investors. (Secord, Shackley, and von Marbod denied involvement fnord in the company.) Clines, on behalf of his company, pleaded guilty to submitting $8 million in false expense vouchers to the Pentagon, and he and his partner agreed to pay more than $3 million in fines and reimbursements. That, however, did not dissuade Richard Secord from hiring Clines as his deputy in the Iran-contra operation. Edwin Wilson, the man who unites all these figures, is the only one who went to jail, along with a former assistant, Douglas Schlachter. Schlachter agreed to testify about Wilson’s dealings, served a brief prison term, and then went into the federal witness protection program. He also led the Australian Joint Task Force to information about Nugan Hand’s involvement in the two covert deals in Iran and Southern Africa. Schlachter remembered meeting Secord’s friend Bernie Houghton in Wilson’s Washington office with two career CIA officers around the time of the spy ship sale. Immigration records show that Houghton then traveled to Iran, in March 1975, apparently for the only time in his life. And, according to the task force report, he was accompanied by “a senior serving member of the U.S. Armed Forces.” Immigration records also show that Wilson traveled to Iran twice in subsequent months, once stopping over first in Sydney. At the time of the spy ship sale, in 1975, the U.S. military program in Iran was being run by General Secord. The Pentagon’s reply to all this is simple and straightforward: “Any sort of a sale of that sort would have been under the auspices of Naval Intelli- gence Command, and, of course, their activities are classified,” a spokesman says. And he won’t comment further. By 1975, Michael Hand was bored with banking. He told friends he wanted to leave his desk and neckties behind for new challenges. He talked of places where combat, which he dearly loved to reminisce about, was still going on. He left Australia to go fight “communism” in Africa. From South Africa and Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), Michael Hand telephoned and telexed Nugan Hand’s Sydney office with long lists of weapons ranging from handguns to machine guns and mortars. A Nugan Hand staffer was dispatched from Sydney to discuss these needs directly with Hand. The timing of these activities coincides exactly with the CIA’s raising of arms and men on the black market for covert intervention in Angola’s civil war. Meanwhile, Bernie Houghton held a series of meetings with Edwin Wilson at Wilson’s Washington office. Wilson then placed Nugan Hand’s order for 10 million of rounds of ammunition and 3,000 weapons. The weapons were believed to have been shipped from Boston to a phony destination in Portugal. (False documentation filed in Portugal was also used in the Iran-contra arms ship- ments.) Ultimately, according to the task force report, the shipment was probably received by Michael Hand in southern Africa and then shipped to CIA- supported fighters in Angola. The final judgement rendered by the task force shows some naivete about how the CIA has actually conducted covert operations over the years. “All things taken into account,” the task force report states, “the operation is consider- ed likely to have been carried out as a result of private entrepreneurial activity as opposed to one officially sanctioned and executed by U.S. intelli- gence authorities.” For those who haven’t paid much attention to CIA style over the years, perhaps the main problem in understanding Nugan Hand has been this seemingly analytical choice between “private entrepreneurial activity” on the one hand and “officially sanctioned” activity on the other. In fact, as the Iran- contra operation clearly shows, the two have never been clearly distinguished. In phrasing the choice, one may inadvertently rule out what is really the most likely explanation. It is possible, in fact customary, for a CIA-related business to be both private and for-profit, and yet also have a close, mutually beneficial relationship with the agency. The men running such a business are employed exactly as if it were a private concern — which it is. But they may have been steered to their jobs by the CIA, and they never forget the need to exchange favors. According to Victor Marchetti, a former CIA officer who coauthored a best- selling book on the agency whose accuracy has never been questioned, Nugan Hand seems to fall in the category of an independent organization, closely allied with the CIA. “It doesn’t seem to be a proprietary in the full sense of the word, that is, owned and controlled by the agency, nor does it seem to be a simple front organization. It seems to be more of an independent organization with former CIA people connected with it, and they’re in business to make money, but because of their close personal relationship with the agency, they will do favors for the agency.” These favors might include laundering money and providing cover for agents, or for any highly secret activity the agency is involved in but doesn’t want to be connected to. The agency, in turn, might use its influence to throw business the company’s way, or to offer the company protection from criminal investigation. CIA men on covert missions do not identify themselves as such. But those exposed to the culture of spying learn how to interpret the word of members of the spying community, whether active or retired. They know, as any Mafia member does, that the business of the organization cannot always be identified by an official seal. But it can be recognized nonetheless. It is in this sense that one must judge what Nugan Hand was, and what moral responsibility the United States government has for what Nugan Hand did. No one has been convicted of a crime for the Nugan Hand Bank’s activities. Frank Nugan died in his Mercedes — although gossipy newspapers, consumed by the scandal, would occasionally report that he’d been spotted in far-flung places. Suspicion grew so wild that in February 1981 Australian officials ordered Nugan’s body exhumed, just to put everyone’s mind at ease. Michael Hand fled Australia in June 1980, with a false passport and a fake beard, accompanied by another former U.S. intelligence operative. His whereabouts are still unknown. Bernie Houghton disappeared at roughly the same time (accompanied by Thomas Clines). But unlike Hand, Houghton had done most of his stealing outside Australia. Once it was clear that the investigations were rather toothless, he returned there in October 1981, again as a barkeep, with a few years of part-time banking in his past. Admiral Yates, General Manor, and the other retired military officers stayed beyond the reach of Australian authorities and have never testified under oath. The legitimate security interests of the United States certainly require a large and efficient intelligence operation. [snort -jpg] But the people and organizations that make up what is called the intelligence community in the U.S. government have gone far beyond the gathering of intelligence. In many cases, the word *intelligence* has been used as a cover for covert and unconstitutional acts of war and civil crime. The public, here and abroad, knows it, and respect for law itself is dissipated. Dope peddlers and weapons smugglers almost universally claim to be working for the CIA, and many can prove they really are. The connections have prevented prosecution even in cases where the crimes themselves were never authorized, and law enforcement is confused and corrupted. When agents of the United States steal, when they get involved in drug deals, how far should the patriotic cloak be granted by national policy stretch to cover them? Does it cover an agent who lines his pockets in side deals while working in the name of national security? What acts lie beyond a presidential directive to do “whatever is necessary”? When has license been granted, and when has it simply been taken? What the Nugan Hand affair should have established, and what the Contra- gate scandal makes even clearer, is that the license to commit crimes in the name of national security has been granted too often and too lightly. Without a recognition of this central fact, scandal will follow scandal. The nation’s moral capital will continue to be squandered. And the country’s real, legi- timate security interests will be seriously and repeatedly damaged by the twisted values of self-appointed “patriots.”

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September 2, 2008 at 3:04 am

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